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SMITHSONTAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS
VOlLUSguy oe
“OFFICE LIBRAS——~
“ EVERY MAN IS A VALUABLE MEMBER OF SOCIETY WHO, BY HIS OBSERVATIONS, RESEARCHES, AND EXPERIMENTS, PROCURES KNOWLEDGE FOR MEN ’’—SMITHSON
(PUBLICATION 3239)
CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 1934
The Lord Baltimore Press
BALTIMORE, MD., U, 8. A.
ADVERTISEMENT
The present series, entitled “ Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collec- tions, is intended to embrace all the octavo publications of the Institution, except the Annual Report. Its scope is not limited, and the volumes thus far issued relate to nearly every branch of science. Among these various subjects zoology, bibliography, geology, mineralogy, anthropology, and astrophysics have predominated.
The Institution also publishes a quarto series entitled ‘‘ Smith- sonian Contributions to Knowledge.” It consists of memoirs based on extended original investigations, which have resulted in important additions to knowledge.
CAG AB BOd. Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
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CONTENTS
Kur, Evtsworti P. The botanical collections of William Lobb in Colombia. 13 pp., Feb. 4, 1932. (Publ. 3133.)
Keitocc, Remrncton. A Miocene long-beaked porpoise from California. 11 pp., 4 pls., Jan. 22, 1932. (Publ. 3135.)
Busunett, Davin L., Jr. Seth Eastman: The master painter of the North American Indian. 18 pp., 15 pls., 1 fig. (Publ. 3136.)
Anport, C. G. The periodometer: An instrument for finding and evaluating periodicities in long series of observations. 6 pp., 1 pl, 1 fig., Feb. 6, 1932. (Publ. 2136.)
Micuetson, TRUMAN. The narrative of a southern Cheyenne woman. 13 pp., Mar. 21, 1932. (Publ. 3140. )
Lesser. ALEXANDER, AND We tFisH, GENE. Composition of the Caddoan linguistic stock. 15 pp., May 14, 1932. (Publ. 3141.)
Wextrisi, GENE. Preliminary classification of prehistoric south- western basketry. 47 pp., 19 figs., July 12, 1932. ( Publ. 3160. )
Brackett, F. S. Graphic correlation of radiation and biological data. 7 pp., 1 fig., May 17, 1932. (Publ. 3170. )
Appor. C. G., Anp Bonn, GLapys T. Periodicity in solar varia- tion, 14 pp., 8 figs., May 24, 1932. (Publ. 3172.)
Meter, Frorence E. Lethal action of ultra-violet light on a unicellular green alga. 11 pp., 2 pls., 1 fig., Aug. 17, 1932. G@Publs 3573:)
RussELi, J]. TowNsEND. Report on archeological research in the foothills of the Pyrenees. 5 pp., 8 pls., Aug. 26, 1932. ( Publ. 3174-)
Brackett, F. S., anp McAuisrer, E. D. A spectrophotometric development for biological and photochemical investigations. 7 pp., 3 pls., 5 figs., Sept. 26, 1932. (Publ. 3176.)
Brackett, F. S., anp Jonnston, Eart S. The functions of radiation in the physiology of plants. I. General methods and apparatus. 10 pp., 1 pl., 3 figs., Nov. 14, 1932. GPublazr7o;)
Jounston, Eart S. The functions of radiation in the physiology of plants. II. Some effects of near infra-red radiation on plants. 15 pp., 4 pls., 2 figs., Nov. 15, 1932. (Publ. 3180.)
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CONTENTS
Appot, C. G., ANp Atpricu, L. B. An improved water-flow pyrheliometer and the standard scale of solar radiation. 8 pp., n pls Nov. 11,1932) CPubl 3182.)
Hoover, W. H., Jonnston, Eart S., anp Brackett, F. S. Carbon dioxide assimilation in a higher plant. 19 pp., 2 pls., 8 figs., Jan. 16, 1932. (Publ. 3186.)
McAtrrtster, E. D. Absolute intensities in the visible and ultra- violet spectrum of a quartz mercury arc. 18 pp., 4 figs., Jan. TLOM1O22 wUuble ste)
Assot, C. G. Sun spots and weather. 10 pp., 5 figs., Nov. 20, 1933. iP abl.13226;)
Wermore, ALEXANDER. An Oligocene eagle from Wyoming. 9 pp, 19 Migs,, Dec, 26 1os3 (rE ubl 3227.
WermoreE, ALEXANDER. Pliocene bird remains from Idaho. 12 PP:,.0 11es.,, Wee: 27,019 38k) (Publse228.)
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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLUME 87, NUMBER 1
THE BOTANICAL COLLECTIONS OF WILLIAM LOBB IN COLOMBIA
BY ELLSWORTH P. KILLIP
Associate Curator, Division of Plants, U.S. National Museum
(PuBLicaTION 3133)
CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION FEBRUARY 4, 1932
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLUME 87, NUMBER 1
ie BOTANICAL, COLLECTIONS OF WILLIAM LOBB IN COLOMBIA
BY ELLSWORTH P. KILLIP
Associate Curator, Division of Plants, U.S. National Museum
GSE INCRE AVE INCRE APE VS Eqs hg Ou EAN Cy
(PUBLICATION 3133)
CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION FEBRUARY 4, 1932
Te Lord Baltimore (Press
BALTIMORE, MD., U. 8. A.
THE BOTANICAL COLLECTIONS OF WILLIAM LOBB IN COLOMBIA
By ELLSWORTH P. KILLIP,
ASSOCIATE CURATOR, DIVISION OF PLANTS, U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM
The name of William Lobb is closely associated with botanical exploration in western South America, and there are numerous references in literature to his collections from the Andes. While studying the distribution of certain species of Andean plants, I have found it necessary to examine rather carefully these references, espe- cially those in which the specimens are mentioned merely as “ Peru, Lobb,” or “ Columbia, Lobb.” Although these studies have been by no means exhaustive, and positive conclusions are perhaps not yet justified, it seems worth while to present the results of my preliminary investigations.
My interest in the subject was first aroused by observing the unusual distribution of various species of Passifloraceae given in Masters’ monograph * of the family. There were numerous instances of a species being reported from Colombia solely on the basis of a Lobb collection, all other specimens cited being from Peru or southern Ecuador. More remarkable was the fact that my examination of col- lections not included in Masters’ monograph or made subsequent to its publication showed that in the same instances this additional mate- rial came from Peru or southern Ecuador, never from Colombia. Turning to other plant families I found that a similar situation existed.
The question at once presented itself: Did Lobb chance to visit a part of Colombia with a characteristic Peruvian or southern Ecua- dorean flora, never before or since explored by botanists, or has there been an error in the labeling of some of his specimens, certain Peruvian and Ecuadorean ones being labeled “ Colombia’? The importance of answering this question is obvious: If the ‘* Colombia ”’ specimens actually came from Peru, many species must be eliminated in listing the known plants of Colombia, and conversely, in preparing a flora of Peru, many species hitherto supposed to have been endemic to Colombia must be accounted for. It should be noted that although
1 Mart. Fl. Bras. 13°: 530-654. 1872.
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 87, No. 1
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there is a great similarity between the flora of the southeastern Colombian lowlands and that of eastern Ecuador and northeastern Peru, all strictly Amazonian in character, in the mountains a much smaller number of species are common to both Colombia and Peru, and these invariably are to be found throughout the Ecuadorean mountains. The Lobb “ Colombia” collections are mainly mountain types.
In investigating this subject I have been greatly assisted by Mr. S. C. Skan, the assistant librarian of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, who has forwarded copies of papers relating to Lobb which are preserved there, and by Dr. H. A. Gleason, Dr. I. M. Johnston, and Mr. A. C. Smith, partly for examining questionable Lobb speci- mens for me and partly for supplying information about Lobb col- lections represented in groups they are studying.
LOBB’S ITINERARY
Definite information concerning Lobb’s itinerary in South America is difficult to obtain. William Lobb was for many years (1840-1857) a collector for the well-known horticultural firm of James Veitch and Sons, of London. In 1906 the firm published the ‘‘ Hortus Veitchii,” * a work containing biographical sketches of the numerous collec- tors sent out by the firm, as well as lists of the more important plants collected and introduced into European horticulture through their efforts. Of William Lobb it is stated: *
.... he gladly accepted a proposal ....to go on a mission to various parts of South America for the purpose of collecting plants, and he sailed from Plymouth in 1840 for Rio Janeiro. On his arrival in Brazil he first proceeded to the Orgaos Mountains, .... he then left for Chile, crossing the great pampas of the Argentine Republic and the Chilean Andes. Continuing southwards, Lobb penetrated the great Araucaria forests... .
He returned to England in 1844, renewed his engagement, and sailed again for Brazil in April of the following year.
After sending home from Rio Janeiro a consignment of plants collected in Southern Brazil, he proceeded to Valparaiso for the purpose of exploring South- ern Chile ..
Following up these brilliant achievements, he continued explorations in Valdivia, Chiloe, and Northern Patagonia .... Lobb returned to England in 1848.°
? Pp. 37-40. This account of William Lobb is taken from Veitch’s Manual of Coniferae, compiled by Adolphus Kent. No additional information bearing on Lobb’s route is given in the earlier work.
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NO. I COLLECTIONS OF LOBB IN COLOMBIA—KILLIP 3
The remainder of this account deals with Lobb’s travels in the western United States between 1849 and the time of his death in San Francisco in 1857.
It will be seen that no mention is made here of his travels in the Andes north of Chile. From statements in the accounts of the plants received by the Veitch firm from Lobb from Peru and northward in the Andes, as well as from references to Lobb’s collections in Curtis’s Botanical Magazine and similar publications, it appears that this part of Lobb’s explorations was made between 1842 and 1843.
No letters written by Lobb while in South America are extant apparently. The firm of James Veitch and Sons having been discon- tinued, Mr. Skan kindly sought information from a former employee of the firm, who replied,
Apparently Lobb’s letters were available when Adolphus Kent compiled Veitch’s Manual of Coniferae, but they were not with the firm in my time. The only letters relating to Lobb which I saw were copies of the letters sent by the firm to Lobb. These were in a private letter book and were no doubt destroyed when the firm was wound up.
In Lobb’s time letters were few and far between and I have always understood that the Lobbs said and wrote little about either their finds or their travels.
Two letters in the Kew Library * bear upon Lobb’s travels:
Ed. Michel to W. Jameson.
Guayaquil, Nov. 15, 1843. Mr. Lobb arrived here from Panama on the 28th ult. and embarked same day on board of the steamer Peru for Callao.—7 boxes of plants to which Mr. Veitch refers were left by Mr. Lobb at the English Consul House at Puna [a settlement on an island in Guayaquil Bay] and were never forwarded to Panama. Mr. Lobb wrote from Guayaquil to Mr. Veitch explaining the occurrence and his letter will no doubt be a satisfactory reply to all Mr. V. inquiries. The boxes Mr. Lobb left on his first arrival in this country and on examination when he was last here he found, I believe, that the plants were in an unfit state to be sent forward and they were thrown away as useless.
Seeman’s letter of July 28, 1847, from Paita.
Mr. Lobb speaks to me of Loxa and Cuenca in most extravagant terms— of all the parts of the interior he has visited he considers them the most beautiful and calls them the “ Garden of South America.”
Lobb probably made herbarium specimens of most of the plants represented in the material sent to Europe for horticultural purposes, though apparently some of them were lost. He does not appear to have made more than a single specimen of each, and these are depos- ited at Kew, the inscriptions on the sheets invariably being “ Columbia, Lobb,” “ Peru, Lobb,” and the like.
* Hooker Corresp. vol. 19: no. 219, at Kew.
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4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
The most helpful clues to Lobb’s Andean itineraries are to be found in the list of plants introduced into horticulture through Lobb, given in the Hortus Veitchii, and in a manuscript “ List of Dried Specimens from William Lobb from South America, July 1843,” which is pre- served in the Kew Library.
In the Veitch list of plants obtained by their collectors, there are numerous references to the collections of William Lobb, mainly to those obtained in Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and Peru, and there is little reason to question the correctness of the data as to the place of origin of his material from those countries. Three Ecuadorean plants of Lobb’s are mentioned, Calceolaria crenata, from Quito, and Macleania punctata, and Tacsonia mollissima, all of which are known to occur in that country. Of the four “ Colombian ”’ plants of Lobb’s given in this account, Fuchsia macrantha most probably came from Peru, not Colombia (see page 10), and Tropaeolum lobbianum from southern Ecuador ; Tropaeolum smithii may have come from Colom- bia; Heterotrichum macrodon is otherwise known only from Vene- zuela, and the identity of the Lobb plant and its place of origin are uncertain at present.
In the ‘‘ List of Dried Specimens ”’ there are recorded 117 plants; to each a number is given and with each is associated a brief note as to the character of the plant, the color of the flowers, and locality data. For 31 of these, various localities in southwestern Colombia are given. A transcript of a part of the data for the Colombian entries
follows: 20. Tropaeolum Pro. Pasto New Granad. gooo ft. 30. Befaria grandiflora Pro. Pasto New Granada gooo ft. 2. Calceolaria Near Guachucal 5000 ft. 61. Besleria Pasto New Granada 7000 it. 81. Thibaudia Pasto New Granada 6000 ft. 82. 2 Meatesat bacoSaleee 00) i as 83. Hs do do 85. Besleria near Pilispi P. Pasto 4000 ft. 86. Plant Pro, Pasto 6000 ft. 87. Fuchsia do do 7000 ft. 88. Plant Herb Near Pilispi do 5000 ft. 89. Shrub do do do 5000 ft. go. Shrub do do do 5000 ft. ot. Plant procumbent ny Barbacosas'*~= ..-” )+ S Sua eee 2. Plant ny Barbacosa,) br. Popayani) 1) eee 03. Gloxinia do do do. |. | Rights 04. do near Barbacosa 106. Atropa Near Guachucal Pr. Pasto 7000 ft 107. Gesneria near Pilispi 5000 ft 172. Plant Prostrate neat esanbacosal esseopay.cnie in ee
NO. I COLLECTIONS OF LOBB IN COLOMBIA—KILLIP 5
175. Plant Meat BanbacOSath sy mani eteayeistisy daar ae UMN shits. Cs atl 176. Siphocampylus ETO veed eS EOP ira RMON ee i isis cain i lys. Scahan, 179. Utricularia NeaueBarbacosaen wyieb lie) oul iW iene eier, 180. Herb do COLT el MINER Lote) Pal prea 181. do do COM AW Pee Me Net tne ki kent oes 182. Aquatic Laguna Gillegible) Pr. Popayan =—~S sj 183. Aquatic do 3 CORN ann MM LDH Ri ere ths Orchideae
0.1 Epidendron Molletura, P. Popayan Equator 6000 ft. 2 do Pilispi P. Pasto 6000 ft. 11. Oncidium Pa Pasto 8000 ft. A, near Pilispi 5000 ft.
Presumably these specimens are in the Kew herbarium, but unfor- tunately I have had no opportunity of examining them and ascertaining whether they represent characteristic Colombian species or Peruvian ones not otherwise known to occur in Colombia. However, from Mr. Smith’s examination of the Thibaudieae, it appears that all of these may well have come from southern Colombia ; certainly there is no indication of a Peruvian origin.
The localities on this list are mainly in the extreme southwestern part of Colombia, and are all in the present Department of Narifo, formed from portions of the earlier provinces of Popayan and Pasto. Barbacosa is doubtless the city of Barbacoas, on the Patia River near the coast, at an elevation of about 100 feet. Pasto, the capital of Narino, is situated in the mountains on the main route of travel from Quito to Popayan. Guachucal is a town about 50 miles southwest of Pasto, and is one of the localities at which Humboldt collected. Pilispi I have not been able to find on any map or in any gazetteer of Colombia, Ecuador, or Peru. The insertion of the words “P. Popayan” in the first orchid entry is clearly a clerical error, as elsewhere on the list “ Molletura, Prov. Cuenca,” [Ecuador] appears.
From this it seems evident that Lobb did visit the southwestern part of Colombia, perhaps by going overland from Quito to Pasto, descending to Barbacoas, and boarding a ship at the port of Tumaco, or perhaps by stopping off at Tumaco and making a hurried trip to Pasto and return. I am confident that the plants he collected will all prove to be characteristic Colombian or northern Ecuadorean species, most of them probably represented in the subsequent collections of André and Lehmann, and that one need not expect to find in this region the characteristic Peruvian, or even southern Ecuadorean, species, as botanical literature would indicate.
The political division of northwestern South America during the past century may be briefly noted here. From 1810 to 1831 the pres-
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6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
ent Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador were united in one political unit, the Republic of Colombia; in 1831 these countries became sepa- rate republics under the names Venezuela, Nueva Granada, and Ecua- dor. The name Nueva Granada was changed in 1861 to that of the United States of Colombia, and in 1886 to the Republic of Colombia. The boundaries between the three countries, either as entities or as parts of the early Republic of Colombia, have been substantially the same as they are today. The name Colombia has never been properly applied to Peru. In Lobb’s time the three countries, Venezuela, Nueva Granada, and Ecuador, were distinct, and it is doubtful if Lobb ever used the term “ Colombia,’ even for his New Granada collections. However, there is every indication that botanical students, of the present day as well as a hundred years ago, working far from the field, have had a very hazy idea of the political divisions and the geography of South America, and have used the names of the countries with much laxity. Doubtless those who first examined the Lobb
mounted specimens wrote on the sheets indiscriminately *‘ Peru” or ‘* Columbia.”
CITATIONS IN LITERATURE
As a collector of plants for horticultural purposes, Lobb gave spe- cial attention to such groups as Passiflora, Fuchsia, Tropaeolum, Bomarea, and Thibaudieae, and it is in these groups that we find the greatest number of Lobb collections cited. The following list contains all citations of Lobb’s specimens, including those in the lists men- tioned above, that bear upon the questionable Colombian collections, which so far have come to my attention.
AMARYLLIDACEAE Baker, Handbook Amaryllideae 1888
EUCHARIS GRANDIFLORA Planch.
Page 110. “Andes of New Granada, Lobb! Jameson! Lehmann! André! Introduced into cultivation in 1854 through M. Linden.”
Based originally upon a plant from the Choco, in northwestern Colombia, the species ranges south through Ecuador to northern Peru. Jameson collected only in Ecuador, Lehmann and André in both Ecuador and Colombia. Most of the material in the National Her- barium is from Ecuador. The Lobb specimens therefore may have come from either Colombia or Ecuador.
NO. I COLLECTIONS OF LOBB IN COLOMBIA—KILLIP 7
BoMAREA PHYLLOSTACHYA Mast.
Page 144. “Andes of Columbia, Lobb!”
The species of Bomarea to which this is most closely related range from Colombia to Peru. Kranzlin has described * a plant B. stricta, based upon a Lobb specimen from Peru, which differs from B. phyl- lostachya only in slightly smaller leaves and flowers. I strongly suspect that the type of B. phyllostachya came from Peru, and may even be a part of the same collection upon which B. stricta is based.
BoMAREA GLOMERATA Herb.
Page 148. “Andes of Columbia and Peru, Mathews 1662! Lobb 250!"
As Mathews collected only in Peru, the “ Columbia” reference must have been to the Lobb plant. I can not separate B. glomerata from the common Peruvian plant B. setacea R. & P., which is not known to occur in Colombia. In all probability Lobb’s 256 is from Peru.
BOMAREA FORMOSISSIMA (R. & P.) Herb.
Page 153. “Andes of Peru, Pavon! ... . Columbian specimens from Lobb and Bolivian from Pearce agree substantially with Pavon’s.”
This is the only Colombian record for one of the most showy of Peruvian Bomareas. The Hartweg plant, from the vicinity of Bogota cited ° by Bentham as B. formosissima has been shown by Baker to be a distinct species, to which he gave the name B. herbertiana.
BoMAREA PARDINA Herb.
Page 158. “Andes of New Granada and Ecuador, gathered recently by Lobb, Spruce, Pearce, and André.”
Spruce and Pearce did not collect in Colombia, but both made large Ecuadorean collections. André’s plant came from Ecuador. Doubt- less the Lobb plant was obtained in southern Ecuador.
TROPAEOLACEAE
‘TROPAEOLUM LOBBIANUM Veitch Hooker states,’ ‘‘ It was detected by a Veitch collector, Mr. Lobb, in Columbia, and sent home in the early part of 1843.”
5 Ann. Nat. Hofm. Wien 27: 156. 1913. * Pl. Hartw. 259. 1846. * Bot. Mag. Curtis 70: pl. 4097. 1844.
8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
As Buchenau has shown, this is the same as 7. peltophorum Benth., described from Ecuador a year earlier. All material of this species which I have seen comes from Ecuador. This and the following species are both listed in the Hortus Veitchii (page 438).
TROPAEOLUM SMmiTHII DC.
The entry in the Hortus Veitchi1 gives Colombia for this collec- tion of Lobb’s. The species ranges from Venezuela to Ecuador, so the Lobb plant may have come from either Colombia or Ecuador.
There are nine entries of Tropacolum in the “ List of Dried Speci- mens,” of which eight are associated with places in Ecuador and one is from Colombia.
PASSIFLORACEAE
Masters in Mart. Fl. Bras. 13*: 530-627. 1872.
PASSIFLORA TRIFOLIATA Cav. (Tacsonia trifoliata Juss. ) Page 538. “ Habitat in Peruvia: Ruiz et Pavon! Gay! Mathews n. 674! 675! Cruikshanks! MacLean!; et in Columbia: Lobb n. 20! ” This is a common species of the high mountains of central Peru, and Lobb’s collection was almost certainly made there.
PASSIFLORA AMPULLACEA (Mast.) Harms. (Tacsonia ampullacea Mast.)
Page 539. “ Habitat in Ecuador prope Cuenca: Jameson!; in Nova Granada: Lobb!”
The Lobb specimen is a perfect match for the Jameson plant as well as for Lehmann’s 4602, the type of Passiflora hieronymi Harms, from the western Andes of Cuenca. The latter species must be reduced to synonymy. The Lobb plant doubtless came from the vicinity of Cuenca where he made large collections.
PASSIFLORA URCEOLATA ( Mast.) Killip (Yacsonia urceolata Mast.)
Page 539. “ Habitat in Colombia: Lobb n. 121!”
This species is known only from the single type specimen, so that conclusions as to the precise locality are difficult to draw. Inasmuch as its nearest relatives, P. ampullacea and P. matthewsi are from southern Ecuador and northern Peru, respectively, it is probable that it, too, came from that general region.
* Pflanzenreich IV ™: 21. 1902.
NO. I COLLECTIONS OF LOBB IN COLOMBIA—KILLIP 9
PASSIFLORA PARVIFOLIA (DC.) Harms (Tacsonia parvifolia DC.)
Page 540. “ Habitat in Columbia: Lobb!; in Peruvia: Ruiz et Pavon!; in Ecuador: Pearce.”
This plant has been found in Peru by recent collectors, but never in Colombia or Ecuador. There are two sheets in Kew herbarium, one labeled ‘“‘ Lobb, Peruvia,”’ the other “‘ Lobb, Columbia.” There is every indication that these specimens were collected at the same time and even from the same plant, the degree of development of the flowers and the discoloration of the specimens being very similar. The Pearce plant from Ecuador (no. 35) was wrongly identified as P. parvifolia by Masters; it proves to be P. cumbalensis (Karst.) Harms.
PASSIFLORA MOLLISSIMA (H. B. K.) Bailey (Tacsonia mollissima fi B.K)
Page 541. Under Tacsonia mollissima var. glabrescens Masters cites two collections, ‘In Ecuador ad Cuenca: Seemann 823!; in Columbia: Lobb!”
Passiflora mollissima is widely distributed in the Andes from Vene- zuela to Peru, the form with glabrescent upper leaf surfaces being found throughout the range. No conclusions regarding the origin of the Lobb specimen are therefore possible.
PASSIFLORA LOBBII Mast.
Page 533. ‘‘ Habitat in Columbia: Lobb!”
This plant has been collected in recent years in central Peru by Weberbauer, Killip and Smith, and Macbride, but never in Colombia. A Weberbauer specimen has been made the type of P. obtusiloba var. glandulifera Harms.” Although P. lobbii and P. obtusiloba have a similar general appearance, the two are separated on several char- acters other than the presence or absence of petiolar glands. I am convinced that both species are restricted to central Peru.
PASSIFLORA SANGUINOLENTA Mast.
Page 559. “ Habitat in Columbia: Wallis!; in Peruvia (?): Lobb 151!”
Ali other collections of the species are from southern Ecuador, where these two perhaps also were collected. On the Lobb sheet is inscribed “ Peru,” and this is the only instance I have yet discovered of a Lobb specimen apparently being mislabeled “ Peru.”
* Repert. Sp. Nov. Fedde 19: 25. 1923.
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IO SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
LOASACEAE
CAJOPHORA CYMBIFERA Urb. & Gilg.
Urb. & Gilg, Monographia Loasacearum 281, 1900. “ Habitat in Columbia: Lobb,” this collection being the type and only one of the species known.
Of the 57 species of Cajophora treated by Urban and Gilg, this is the only one recorded from Colombia, and only one other, C. aequa- toriana, is known to occur north of the Peru-Ecuador boundary. The Lobb plant is probably from central Peru. Under C. aequatoriana the authors observe that a depauperate specimen in the Kew herbarium, said to have been collected by Lobb “ in Columbia,” perhaps is refer- able to that species. Cajophora aequatoriana ranges from Quito, Ecuador, to northern Peru, and the Lobb plant in question may well have come from southern Ecuador.
Wie Eo h@ NENC HANS
THIETEROTRICHUM MACRODON Planch.
In Hortus Veitchii (page 264) and Curtis’s Botanical Magazine this is said to have been raised in England from seed sent by William Lobb from New Granada. The species is known otherwise only from north- ern Venezuela. Pending examination of the Lobb specimen, it is
impossible to suggest an explanation for this apparently unusual distribution.
ONAGRACEAE FUCHSIA MACRANTHA HOok. In proposing” this species Hooker says, “It .... is an unde- scribed species, first, however, found by Mr. Mathews climbing on trees in lofty mountains at Andimarca, Peru, .... and next by
Mr. Veitch’s collector, Mr. William Lobb, detected in woods near Chasula, Columbia, at an elevation of 5,000 feet above the sea.” This is also one of the Lobb Colombian plants listed in the Hortus Veitchii (page 264).
All the material of this species in the National Herbarium is from Peru, and I have been unable to find any other record for Colombia. “ Chasula’’ does not appear in Colombian gazetteers, but there is a town Chasuta, not far from Andamarca, in the mountains of north- central Peru, and another town Chagula in central Peru, and it is not unreasonable to suppose that this plant may have come from one of these places.
* Bot. Mag. Curtis 72: pl. 4233. 1846.
NO. I COLLECTIONS OF LOBB IN COLOMBIA—KILLIP II
VACCINIACEAE—THIBAUDIEAE
(Information supplied by A. C. Smith, New York Botanical Garden, based upon a monographic treatment of the tribe, in press, and an examination of specimens in the Kew herbarium.)
CERATOSTEMA BUXIFOLIUM Field. & Gardn.
“Lobb 2, Columbia ” on specimen.
This is probably the type of Thibaudia microphylla Lindl., which is a synonym of Ceratostema buxifolium. This specimen certainly is from Peru.
CERATOSTEMA GRANDIFLORUM R. & P. “Lobb 3, Columbia ” on specimen. All other specimens belonging to this species are Peruvian.
CERATOSTEMA Sp.
“Lobb 252, Columbia” on specimen.
This represents an undescribed species which Mr. Smith has in manuscript. All other Ceratostemas of this affinity are from Peru, and doubtless this is also.
ENGLERODOXA ALATA Hoer.
Lobb 80, 161.
One of these sheets is labeled “ Columbia.” All other material of this species is from Ecuador. In the “ List of Dried Specimens ” the entry for no. 80 reads, “ Thibaudia, shrub 3 to 4 ft., high mountains, Pro. Cuenca Ecuador.”
THIBAUDIA MELLIFLORA R. & P.
There is in the Kew herbarium a sheet labeled ‘“‘ Columbia, Lobb,” which has been identified as Thibaudia melliflora R. & P., a species otherwise known only from central Peru, the type specimen probably from the Department of Huanuco.
MACLEANIA MACRANTHA Benth.
“ Lobb 82, woods, Barbasopa, Columbia ” on specimen.
This number is included in the “List of Dried Specimens.” As already pointed out, the locality probably is Barbacoas, Colombia. This species was originally described from the Pichincha region of northern Ecuador, and the Lobb specimen may well have been col- lected in southern Colombia.
I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
PSAMMISIA sp.
“ Lobb 89, near Pilispi, 5,000 ft., New Granada.”
This also represents a new unpublished species of Mr. Smith’s, and no other material is referable to it. The locality is probably in southern Colombia or northern Ecuador.
CAVENDISHIA, indeterminable
‘Lobb 83, Columbia” on specimen. Mr. Smith states that although the material is too incomplete for identification, it resembles species from southern Colombia, and probably is from that region.
“ Thibaudiae ”
‘“ Lobb 79, woods Rosario, 5,000 ft., Columbia.”
This is the type of a species in an unpublished genus of Mr. Smith’s. In the “List of Dried Specimens” the locality for this number is given as ‘‘ Woods Rosario, Pro. Cuenca Ecuador, 5,000 ft.” and the two other references to this place on the list are also associated with the Province of Cuenca. This is direct evidence of ‘ Columbia” having been written on a sheet bearing an Ecuadorean collection.
BORAGINACEAE
CorDIA CURASSAVICA (Jacq.) R. & S.
‘“ Lobb 50, Columbia ” written on specimen.
This is the only Lobb specimen in material of Cordia from western South America sent me by Kew for examination. It is certainly C. curassavica, a Caribbean species common along the north coast of South America, extending south in Colombia only a comparatively short distance up the Magdalena Valley, and wholly unknown from the mountains of southwestern Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. If the specimen actually was collected by Lobb, he doubtless obtained it at some northern Colombian port while traveling between Panama and England.
HELIOTROPIUM INCANUM R. & P.
“ Lobb 97, Columbia” written on sheet.
Otherwise this species is known only from central and southern Peru, where it is common. In his paper on the South American species of Heliotropium Johnston cites” this specimen under the general heading Peru.
* Contr. Gray Herb. 81: 41. 10928.
NO. I COLLECTIONS OF LOBB IN COLOMBIA—KILLIP 13
COMPOSITAE
EUPATORIUM DIPLODICTYON Robinson
“ Lobb, Columbia ”’ written on sheet.
This is the type of the species, and has never since been discovered in Colombia, though J. F. Macbride recently collected the plant near Muna, in central Peru (no. 4296). Doctor Robinson has briefly dis- cussed ~ these dubious “ Colombia” collections of Lobb’s.
CONCLUSIONS
The material here presented covers doubtless only a small fraction of the Lobb Colombian specimens cited in literature and a smaller fraction of those in the Kew herbarium, but the following conclusions apparently may safely be drawn:
1. That Lobb made a collection, probably a small one, in the pres- ent Department of Narino, in southwestern Colombia, and that these specimens represented characteristic species of that region.
2. That he collected a few plants at a northern port of Colombia probably Cartagena or Santa Marta.
3. That he made large collections in southern Ecuador and smaller collections in central and northern Ecuador, and that a great majority of these sheets are labeled erroneously “ Columbia,’ a few, perhaps, feReru:
4. That he collected extensively in the mountains of central Peru, many of these sheets being labeled “ Columbia.”
5. That botanists should view with suspicion all “ Lobb, Columbia ”’ citations in literature or inscriptions on herbarium sheets, and should hesitate before ascribing any extraordinary range of distribution to a species solely on the basis of these “ Lobb, Columbia” specimens.
* Contr. Gray Herb. 77: 14. 10926.
Bh a.
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS ; VOLUME 87, NUMBER 2
|| A MIOCENE LONG-BEAKED PORPOISE | BROM CALIFORNIA
(WITH Four PLatEs) ZEAE aT,
:
JAN ¢ 2 «! VAN 22 ioop OF } DAY
CE LIE
BY REMINGTON KELLOGG:::-
Assistant. Curator, Division of Mammals, U. S. National Museum
223000008°
(PUBLICATION 3135)
CITY OF WASHINGTON 2 PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION JANUARY 22, 1932
2
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS
VOLUME 87, NUMBER 2
A MIOCENE LONG-BEAKED PORPOISE FROM CALIFORNIA
(WitTH Four PLATEs)
BY REMINGTON KELLOGG
Assistant Curator, Division of Mammals, U. S. National Museum
(PUBLICATION 3135)
CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION JANUARY 22, 1932
The Lord Baltimore Press
BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A.
A MIOCENE LONG-BEAKED PORPOISE FROM CALIFORNIA
By REMINGTON KELLOGG ASSISTANT CURATOR, DIVISION OF MAMMALS, U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM
(With Four PLatTeEs)
The fossil porpoise described in this paper was presented to the United States National Museum by G. M. Cunningham of the Stand- ard Oil Company of California, Bakersfield, Calif. This skull un- questionably represents an undescribed species of one of the long- beaked porpoises. Its closest affinities appear to be with the Pata- gonian Lower Miocene genus Argyrocetus to which it is tentatively Hererred:
ARGYROCETUS JOAQUINENSIS new species
Type—U.S.N.M. No. 11996. An incomplete skull, lacking the major portion of the rostrum, the superior border and right half of supraoccipital, the hinder outer border of right supraorbital process, the upper portion of right exoccipital, the right zygomatic process with exception of postglenoid portion, the tympanic bullae and peri- otics on both sides, and all of the teeth with the exception of one crown.
Type locality —About 12 miles northeast of Bakersfeld and 1,000 feet west) of) Pyramid Eill;rin’ sec) 14, 1.728 S., R. 29 E, Kern County, Calif.; shown on Caliente Quadrangle, United States Geo- logical Survey.
Horizon—tThis skull was embedded in a fine-grained calcareous sandstone nodule, which was found about 75 feet below the top of the Vedder zone during May, 1930, by Max Steineke of the Stand- ard Oil Company of California. The following invertebrate fossils were obtained at the same locality and identified by William F. Barbat: Pecten bowersi Arnold, Pecten perrint Arnold, Ostrea titan Conrad, Cardium vaqueroensis Arnold, Spisula granti Wiedey, Dosinia margaritana Wiedey, Phacoides sanctaecrucis Arnold, and Chione indet. The sands of the Vedder zone’ lie about 1,400 feet
*Wilhelm, V. H., and Saunders, L. W., Report on the Mt. Poso oil field. Summary of operations California oil fields. 12th Ann. Rep. State Oil and Gas Supervisor, California State Min. Bur., San Francisco, vol. 12, no. 7, pp. 6, 8-9, January, 1927.
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 87, No. 2
ma
2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
below the top of the Temblor formation; the Vedder zone has a maximum thickness of 85 feet in the Mount Poso area and under- lying these sands are 550 to 650 feet of marine sediments, making a total thickness of 2,000 to 2,100 feet. The Vedder horizon, according to G. M. Cunningham, is older than the Barker’s ranch locality which has been described by F. M. Anderson.’ It is the opinion of Mr. Barbat that this horizon should be correlated with the Vaqueros formation which is thought to be equivalent in time with the Bur- digalian [=Langhian] stage of the European Tertiary.
DIAGNOSIS
As compared with Argyrocetus patagonicus Lydekker,’ this spe- cies is characterized by an elevated vertex formed for the most part by the elongated nasals and the hinder ends of the thickened pre- maxillaries, the mesorostral gutter is narrower, and the hamular processes of the pterygoids are conspicuously prolonged backward. It agrees with A. patagonicus in having a broad, concave () shaped supraoccipital shield, in having the outer borders of the maxillaries at the base of the rostrum slope downward, and in having the vertex contracted antero-posteriorly.
SKULL
Dorsal view.—Although the major portion of the rostrum is de- stroyed it is obvious that this skull belongs to one of the long-beaked porpoises. The dorsal surface of the skull is constituted almost en- tirely by the maxillaries and the premaxillaries ; the hinder extremi- ties of the premaxillaries, the nasals, and the small wedgelike bone (presumably frontal) form the vertex of the skull. The maxillary notches are well marked. From the dorsal aspect the maxillaries are seen to increase in width from the broken extremity of the rostrum posteriorly. When they reach the level of the maxillary notches the maxillaries are thrust backward over the supraorbital processes of the frontals and expanded laterally to form the so-called frontal plates. These thin plates of the maxillaries and the corresponding underlying lateral extensions of the frontals roof over the temporal
* Anderson, F. M., The Neocene deposits of Kern River, California, and the Temblor basin. Proc. California Acad. Sci. ser. 4, vol. 3, pp. 98-100, No- vember 9, IQII.
* Lydekker, R. Contributions to a knowledge of the fossil vertebrates of Argentina. Pt. II. Cetacean skulls from Patagonia. Anal. Mus. La Plata, vol. 2 for 1893, pp. 10-12, pl. 5, figs. I, Ia, 2, 3, 1894.
NO. 2 A MIOCENE LONG-BEAKED PORPOISE—KELLOGG 3
fossae. The maxillary does not entirely sheathe the preorbital angle of the supraorbital process. The hinder margins of the left maxillary are probably imperfect above the temporal fossae. The dorsal sur- face of the left maxillary is depressed opposite the nasals and slightly convex above the supraorbital processes of the frontals. The internal margin of the maxillary, with the exception of the narrow tongue- like portion, which overlaps the frontals on the vertex, is in contact with the premaxillary for practically its entire length. Two foramina, which are connected with the infraorbital canal, are present on each maxillary. The most posterior one of these is situated above the temporal fossa. The other foramen is located at or near the level of the maxillary notch and from it a deep groove extends forward for a distance of at least 20 mm. The outer border of the maxillary at the base of the rostrum is not bent upward as in Eurhinodelphis, but is curved obliquely downward. In correlation with this tapering of the rostrum the maxillary decreases in breadth anteriorly and the sides become more nearly vertical. Anterior to the maxillary notches the premaxillaries are fairly thick and their upper surfaces are con- vex. Their inner margins become closely approximated at a point 130 mm. in front of the maxillary notches. The raised outer convex portions of the premaxillaries diverge strongly between this point and the maxillary notches, and constitute the outer border of the more or less flattened internal portions of the premaxillaries. In conse- quence of their tapering, these elevated outer convex surfaces dis- appear in front of the presphenoid. The premaxillaries commence to expand horizontally in front of the nasal bones and attain their maximum width at the level of the anterior walls of the narial passages. Opposite the narial passages there is an oval concavity on each premaxillary. The posterior end of each premaxillary is rela- tively broad, conspicuously thickened, and its dorsal surface is raised to the level of the nasals. The premaxillary foramina are moder- ately large and are situated behind the level of the anterior maxillary foramina. Each of these premaxillary foramina opens into a broad groove, which is continued obliquely backward and outward to a point opposite the narial passages. The internal border of the pre- maxillary, which is somewhat flattened in front of the presphenoid, narrows rapidly and finally disappears anteriorly under the raised convex outer strip. The premaxillaries do not approximate each other as closely in front of the narial passages as in Eurhinodelphis bossi from the Calvert formation of Maryland and hence the mesoros- tral gutter is not roofed over for a distance of 160-175 mm. Proxi-
i eA TT FI SAN SS TS LEAT A TRIS RI 8 IES SEI EE EE IOS BE TS ESE OS ESAS RE a PS
4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
mally, the floor of the mesorostral gutter is contributed by the pre- maxillaries and the vomer.
The apex of the mesethmoid rises to the level of the dorsal sur- faces of the premaxillaries. The mesethmoid sheathes the dorsal and lateral faces of the presphenoid and thus forms a partition between the narial passages superiorly, fills in the frontal fontanelle, and pro- vides support for the nasals, and also for the vertex of the skull. The anterior narrowing of the narial passages is correlated with the distal enlargement of the presphenoid. Notwithstanding the hori- zontal expansion of the premaxillaries, most of the anterior end of the presphenoid is exposed. The presphenoid is the porous bone that forms a plug across the proximal end of the mesorostral gutter, but does not rise to the level of the premaxillaries above.
The frontals are largely hidden from a dorsal view, being over- spread by the premaxillaries and maxillaries laterally and by the nasals medially. Posteriorly the frontals abut against the supra- occipital on the vertex and it is barely possible that a very narrow strip of these bones may have been exposed between the hinder ends of the nasals and the missing dorsal crest of the supraoccipital.
The elongated nasals are relatively large (35 x 16.5 mm.) and are placed on the vertex between the posterior extremities of the pre- maxillaries, but do not overhang the narial passages. The anterior border of each nasal is bevelled off obliquely. The hinder ends of the nasal bones are unusually thick (pl. 3). Behind the right nasal and nearly in the midline, there is a small wedge-shaped bone which may be either an exposed portion of the right frontal or a fortuitous divi- sion of the right nasal.
Lateral vicu'.
Aside from the relatively large size of the brain- case, the skull (pl. 2) is characterized by a rather high temporal fossa which is partially roofed over by the maxillary and the underlying lateral extension of the frontal, a fairly wide orbit, and a long zygo- matic process. The rostrum is somewhat depressed proximally and compressed from side to side anteriorly.
The orbit is strongly convex, the outer margin of the supraorbital process of the frontal being thickened, while the superimposed plate of the maxillary is thin and shelving. The preorbital portion of the supraorbital process of the frontal is rounded, while the postorbital angle is almost trihedral. The small lacrimal is closely appressed to the preorbital angle of the supraorbital process and its inner end is mortised into the under surface of the maxillary. The jugal is a very slender bone whose anterior end is ankylosed with the lacrimal below
NO. 2 A MIOCENE LONG-BEAKED PORPOISE—KELLOGG 5
the maxillary notch and whose styliform process is extended back- ward beneath the orbit to the anteroventral angle of the zygomatic process where it is expanded into a broad thin plate. The jugal was unavoidably removed while the skull was being freed from the matrix.
The zygomatic process of the squamosal is thickened dorso- ventrally and is almost in contact anteriorly with the postorbital angle of the supraorbital process. As a whole the zygoma is robust, slightly curved, and rather long; the dorsal profile slopes gradually forward and upward. The postglenoid portion of the zygoma curves ddwn- ward and then forward. The greatest length of the left zygoma is go mim. and the dorso-ventral diameter anteriorly is 18 mm.
The crest formed by the contact of the supraoccipital with the hinder ends of the frontals is destroyed but it was presumably the highest point in the dorsal profile. The dorsal profile of the skull slopes rather steeply from the vertex to the level of the maxillary notches. On each side of the vertex, the frontal plate of the maxil- lary is depressed. The supraorbital process of the frontal and the superimposed maxillary do not rise above the level of the premaxil- lary in front of the narial passages. The temporal fossa is much longer than the orbit. In the temporal fossa the parietal is suturally united inferiorly with the squamosal, anteriorly and superiorly with the frontal, and posteriorly with the supraoccipital. Hence the parie- tals are excluded from the vertex of the skull. When viewed from the side, the occipital condyles are seen to project considerably be- yond the level of the hinder surfaces of the exoccipitals. The basi- cranial axis is bent downward from the axis of the rostrum.
Posterior view.—This surface (pl. 3) attains its greatest breadth at the level of the exoccipitals. These exoccipitals are relatively large, are coalesced with the supraoccipital above, and are projected out- ward and backward like wings. Their external margins are sinuous- rounded, and are produced outward so that they conceal for the most part the postglenoid processes when viewed from behind. Anteriorly the exoccipital is in contact with the squamosal and inferiorly it is united with the basioccipital. The suture between the exoccipital and the basioccipital lies internal to the deep jugular incisure and the former constitutes the hinder border of the falcate process of the latter. At the bottom of this incisure and near the posterior margin there is a small condylar foramen. Externally the upper portion of the exoccipital is produced backward, forming a crest which follows the curvature of the hinder end of the temporal fossa. This thin-
6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS voL. 87
edged crest is continuous with the corresponding portion of the supraoccipital and together they form a prominent lambdoid crest. The dorsal contour of the supraoccipital is uncertain since this por- tion of the lambdoid crest has been destroyed. Between the upper limits of the temporal fossae the supraoccipital is deeply concave. The greatest breadth of the supraoccipital is about equivalent to its vertical diameter above the foramen magnum.
The foramen magnum is sub-oval in outline; its transverse diame- ter is 35 mm. and its vertical diameter 24 mm. The occipital condyles are considerably broader near the apex than near the base, and their articular surfaces curve outward and forward. Their internal faces converge inferiorly and have a sharp hinder edge. The external mar- gins of the occipital condyles are convex and are not set off from the exoccipitals by distinct necks. The outer border of the left con- dyle has been damaged and the entire articular surface of the right condyle is missing. Below the occipital condyles and internal to the exoccipitals are the descending plates of the basioccipital and they in turn are separated from the large paroccipital processes by the deep jugular incisures.
Ventral view.—Near the base of the rostrum the ventral surfaces of the maxillaries are closely approximated and the keel of the vomer is entirely concealed.
The lacrimal is closely appressed to the anterior face of the supra- orbital process of the frontal and its internal end is mortised into the ventral face of the maxillary; the anterior end of the jugal is ankylosed with the lacrimal below the maxillary notch. Inasmuch as no suture can be found it should be stated that these three bones constitute the lower margin of the maxillary notch.
The jugal is a long, slender bone consisting of a short triangular enlarged anterior portion ankylosed with the lacrimal, and a styli- form posterior process. The posterior end of the styliform process is dorso-ventrally flattened and extremely thin, being loosely at- tached to the ventral face of the zygomatic process. The jugal was unavoidably removed during the preparation of this specimen.
There is nothing peculiar about the position of the palatines. They are suturally united medially in front and are closely appressed to the under surfaces of the maxillaries. Viewed from the side, the palatine extends forward beyond the level of the maxillary notch and projects backward above the external reduplication of the pterygoid to the anterior margin of the optic canal. Close to its posterior extremity, the palatine presumably comes in contact with the orbitosphenoid which lies above it.
a3
NO. 2 A MIOCENE LONG-BEAKED PORPOISE—KELLOGG 7
The relations of the pterygoids with the surrounding bones is essen- tially in agreement with that of Eurhinodelphis bossi. The external reduplication of the pterygoid is for the most part destroyed. Rem- nants of the ends of the outer plate on the left side show that the internal and external plates of the pterygoids are separated from each other by a narrow interval anteriorly, but posteriorly they are widely separated. Hence the usual pterygoid sinus must have been present. The curved internal plate contributes the lower outer sur- face for the narial passage. The combined internal and external . plates of the pterygoid seemingly contribute to the formation of the elongated, backwardly projecting hamular process which constitutes a posterior extension of the palatal surface. The anterior margin of the external plate of the pterygoid is united by an irregular suture with the palatine. The external plate of the pterygoid is suturally united with the squamosal and palatine, and apparently is in contact with the parietal and alisphenoid.
The outer wall of the cranium in the region of the alisphenoid and orbitosphenoid is imperfect. The optic canal, while seemingly con- fluent with the sphenorbital fissure, nevertheless has its course marked by a definite groove. This canal should be bounded anteriorly near its origin by the descending portion of the orbitosphenoid.
A recess is formed by the backward extension of the alisphenoid (Pl. 4) and the contiguous underlying lateral process of the basi- occipital, which completely excludes the periotic and tympanic from the inner wall of the cranium. On the roof of this recess and near its posterior end is a large orifice that corresponds to the foramen lacerum posterius for the nerves associated with the jugular leash.
The thin descending plates or falcate processes of the basioccipital are directed downward and outward; anteriorly they are suturally united with the internal plates of the pterygoids which overlap the basisphenoid.
The distinguishing features of the squamosal are the large size and strength of the zygomatic arch, the short robust postglenoid process, and the thin falciform process which is directed forward and down- ward in front of the tympano-periotic recess. The zygoma is rather large and is directed slightly outward. The ventral glenoid surface is an oval concavity, looking forward, inward, and downward. A nar- row groove for the external auditory meatus traverses the squamosal behind the postglenoid process. The hinder end of the squamosal is suturally united with the exoccipital and between this suture and the transverse groove for the external auditory meatus a rounded tuberos-
8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS voL. 87
ity is formed. Internal to the glenoid fossa and on the ventral sur- face of the squamosal there is a longitudinal depression, deeper posteriorly than anteriorly. This depression commences at the base of the inner face of the postglenoid process and extends forward to the anterior or temporal margin of the squamosal. The ventral por- tion of the squamosal, internal to this last-mentioned fossa, is pro- longed downward and inward to form a thin plate which, when com- plete, is suturally united with the external reduplication of the : pterygoid.
The paroccipital process is relatively thick, its ventral aspect is roughened, and internally in conjunction with the descending plate of the basioccipital an incisure is formed for the passage of the so- called jugular leash and associated nerves.
REMARKS
Porpoises with long slender rostra predominated in the pelagic faunas of the Lower Miocene, as is evidenced by the occurrence of Argyrocetus in Patagonia, and Ziphiodelphis, Schizodelphis {| = Cyrto- delphis|, Eoplatanista, and Acrodelphis in Italy. The two last- mentioned genera are sufficiently distinct from the California skull to eliminate them from further consideration.
Although the proportions of this skull (Pl. 1) and the relations of the bones constituting the dorsal surface are strongly suggestive, at first glance, of Ewrhinodelphis longirostris* from the Upper Mio- cene Anversian stage of the Antwerp Basin, Belgium, there are some well-marked differences. The skull from California has a smaller orbit, a longer and more slender zygomatic process, a relatively greater transverse diameter at the level of the preorbital angles of the supraorbital processes, the zygomatic width is somewhat less, the hinder extremities of the premaxillaries are greatly thickened and are applied to the lateral surfaces of the elongate nasals, the supra- occipital shield is strongly concave, and the occipital condyles are less protuberant. The nasals are missing on the type skull of EF. lon- girostris (No. 3249, Mus. Roy. Hist. Nat. Belgique, Bruxelles) and the elements marked N on Abel’s plate (1902, Pl. 11) are actually the frontals, into which the nasals were mortised. It is certain, how- ever, that E. longirostris has much wider nasals than the California porpoise. The braincase of Argyrocetus joaquinensis is somewhat
* Abel, O., Les dauphins longirostres du Boldérien (Miocéne supérieur) des environs d’Anvers. Pt. II. Mém. Mus. Roy, Hist. Nat. Belgique, Bruxelles, vol. 2, pl. tl, 1902:
NO. 2 A MIOCENE LONG-BEAKED PORPOISE—KELLOGG 9
narrower at the level of the supraorbital processes than that of Eurhinodelphis bossi* from the Upper Miocene Calvert formation of Maryland, and the construction of the vertex is quite different. In E. bossi, which is approximately the same size as A. joaquinensis, the nasal bones are quite small, the area of both nasals being some- what less than the exposed portions of the combined frontals on the vertex, and the thin outer border of the maxillary at the base of the rostrum is bent upward.
The genus Eurhinodelphis is not known to occur in Lower Mio- cene deposits. There are, however, three related genera that are characteristic of this geological stage. The long-beaked porpoise, Ziphiodelphis abeli,’ from the Lower Miocene Langhian sandstone quarries of Bolzano, Italy, has the vertex similarly contracted in an antero-posterior direction, the transverse diameter of the nasals being almost twice the antero-posterior diameter, the exposed portion of the combined frontals on the vertex is approximately equivalent in area to that of the two nasals, and a small interparietal is present. The supraoccipital shield is nearly vertical and flattened transversely, the rather thin outer borders of the maxillaries are bent upward at the base of the rostrum, and the hinder extremities of the pre- maxillaries are not conspicuously thickened. The teeth, however, have the roots markedly enlarged below the base of the enamel crown, but are rapidly attenuated toward the extremity. This genus seems to have its closest affinities with Eurhinodelphis.
As regards Schizodelphis sulcatus from marine sediments belong- ing to the Lower Miocene Langhian stage at Gauderndorf near Eg- genburg, Austria,* and also from the Langhian sandstone quarries at Belluno in Upper Italy,‘ the nasals are quite small, the frontals com-
‘Kellogg, R., On the occurrence of remains of fossil porpoises of the genus Eurhinodelphis in North America. Proc. U. S. Nat. Mus., vol. 66, art. 26, pp. 1-40, pls. 17, 1925.
*Dal Piaz, G., Sui vertebrati delle arenarie Mioceniche di Belluno. Atti Accad. sci. veneto-trentino-istriana, Padova, Cl. I, Anno V, pp. 13-16, figs. 5-7, 1908; Basani, F., and Misuri, A. Sopra un Delfinorinco del calcare Miocenico di Lecce (Ziphiodelphis abeli Dal Piaz). Mém. R. Accad. Lincei Cl. sci. fis. mat. e nat., Roma (5), vol. 9, fasc. 2, pp. 25-38, pl. 1, fig. 6, 1912; Dal Piaz, G., L’Istituto geologico dell’ Universita di Padova nel 1922. Notizie Sommarie. Mém. Ist. Geol. R. Univ. di Padova, vol. 6, p. 11, fig. 6, 1922.
® Abel, O., Untersuchungen iiber fossilen Platanistiden des Wiener Beckens. Denkschr. k. Akad. Wiss. math.-naturw. K1., Wien, vol. 68, pp. 839-874, pls. 1-4, 1890.
*Dal Piaz, G., Sugli avanzi di Cyrtodelphis culcatus dell’arenaria di Belluno. Pt. I. Palaeontographia Italica, Pisa, vol. 9, pp. 187-220, pls. 28-31, text figs. 16,
1903.
IO SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
prise the major portion of the large vertex, the area of the exposed portions of the frontals on the vertex being considerably larger than that of the two nasals, a small interparietal is present, the zygomatic process is relatively short and robust, and the roots of the teeth are shaped somewhat like a heraldic battle axe. In so far as our present knowledge goes the proportions, relations, and structural peculiari- ties of the several elements entering into the composition of the brain- case and rostrum of Schizodelphis are sufficiently pronounced to eliminate this genus from consideration.
The long-beaked porpoise, Argyrocetus patagonicus, from the Lower Miocene Patagonian marine formation at Castillo, opposite Trelew, on the coast of Chubut Territory, Argentine Republic, re- sembles this California skull somewhat, for the vertex is contracted antero-posteriorly and the backward rostral thrust has carried the maxillary to the supraoccipital, but the two nasals are about equivalent in area to that of the exposed portions of the frontals on the vertex and the mesorostral gutter is relatively wide. This skull, unfortu- nately, is imperfectly preserved, both zygomatic processes being in- complete, the supraorbital processes are broken off, and the hinder ends of the premaxillaries are missing. The shape of the supra- occipital shield, the elevation of the vertex, and the proportions of the skull of Argyrocetus patagonicus approximate in the main the skull from California. These resemblances seem to warrant the ten- tative allocation of the California skull to the genus Argyrocetus, though this is done with considerable hesitation, since the material upon which both species are based is quite fragmentary.
TEED
The crown of a single tooth, presumably from the right maxillary, is embedded in the matrix 12 mm. in front of the broken extremity of the rostrum. The crown of this tooth is lanceolate in outline, it curves outward and then inward, and is flattened transversely. The anterior and posterior margins of the crown are rounded and not carinate, and the enamel is essentially smooth. The hinder end of the maxillary tooth row lies 60 mm. in front of the maxillary notch.
*Lydekker, R., Contributions to a knowledge of the fossil vertebrates of Argentina. Pt. II. Cetacean skulls from Patagonia. Anal. Mus. La Plata, vol. 2 for 1893, pp. 10-12, pl. 5, figs. I, Ia, 2, 3, 18094.
NO. 2 A MIOCENE LONG-BEAKED PORPOISE—KELLOGG De
Measurements of the skull (in millimeters)
soOtalmlcnoth ease presehayiedeyseraee revelers coat cieke Oe ieee ied an peas 370 Transverse diameter of skull across preorbital angles of supraorbital pro- CESSESITOM MOMmcal Sainte pee Fe MIRPr ey Tinie aie rcdse ao soeck acta Lele Sioione ahaa 176 Transverse diameter of skull across postero-external angles of supra- OUDitalee NLOGESSCS MOMENT Ot) Sernnee Ne IC ee Acme acter eestor eels na a8 204 ~ Distance across skull between outer surfaces of zygomatic processes.... 210 Distance across skull between outer margins of exoccipital bones....... 178+ Distance between inner margin of left occipital condyle and outer margin OP Mette xOCE Np tel levers taccestever tase aake sect Ve eu clay «eke wilclae Pe coh cate pais Wi eso dictatven 72 Distance between outer angles of paroccipital processes................. 167 Distance between outer surfaces of descending processes of basioccipital... 098 Distance between outer margins of occipital condyles.................. 74 Greatest or oblique-vertical diameter of left occipital condyle.......... 44 Maximum transverse diameter of left occipital condyle................. 33 flinansversestiameteEmonstoLaimenm ima citing wrested see cals 35 Wertical sdiametery or. toramien simagntints..... ss sjsie ne be oe estes wis noe e+ ocenals 24 Distance from upper margin of foramen magnum to apex of supraoccipital | Shae clk Re arte erst eerie eet epee EELS Mi WePApaS AEA Ta TEL “UTS AZT Na pula 105+ Vertical distance from basioccipital to apex of supraoccipital shield.... 116+ Distance from ventral face of hamular process of pterygoid to dorsal GbR A eV Sa sone Hulsey ll eYosoloate oben cei Menor clotto cs cctoele Gaia acto erica eee: 156 Greatest vertical depth of skull at level of anterior borders of narial DASSAS COMM Ra Peer teh eer es SIS Siat oh e/a teortecrmt ram ies buna te-eciterelene 87 Greatest vertical depth of rostrum at level of maxillary notches......... 57 Greatest vertical depth of rostrum at broken extremity (165 mm. in HOME Cre Imes MlEVAy iNOWO TES) 4 pa csocoeGadoudeedaonaeouorabsasascooc 35 Preorbital angle of left supraorbital process to posterior face of left DCCIpttalaconciys eaewwvenrecs ae eks, cis Sear iss char seoeone dara Patou ay alioel taotorchithece) 215 Greatest distance between outside margins of premaxillaries at level of Meietal ASSAD CS MAT eC eRe elie tate Nelele cts ccahspo orev tiene esteem sions 85 Greatest breadth of left premaxillary at level of anterior border of narial ASUS STE Stee ea ea IPE Te Oe nea ee chia cee Sian Masat anal aya sfituo a seine. exeletnare, Sica 3365 Greatest breadth of left premaxillary at level of maxillary notch....... 21 Breadth of rostrum at level of maxillary notches..................++.4- 108 Greatest antero-posterior diameter of left supraorbital process of frontal.. 83 Antero-posterior diameter of left nasal along suture................... 35 iliransyersemdiamercrm ote leitnasal srantetlorl yen satel cinieeleieeici-ite 16.5 Greatest enothmorslentezy 2 OmatlerprocesSea ye rtstte ale teeter eee valet 90
Width of braincase 10 mm. below squamosal-parietal suture in temporal TOSSACR oar ee esa ous Bear SERFS COA OER Se a es SRT S 122
VOL. 87, NO. 2, PL. 1 Type.
About one-half natural size.
Argyrocetus joaquinensis new species.
Dorsal view of skull.
‘SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS
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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS
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Argyrocetus joaquinensis new species.
About one-half natural size.
Lateral view of skull.
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Argyrocetus joaquinensis new species. Type. Posterior view of skull. About one-half natural size.
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL: 87, NOs 25> PE. 4
Argyrocetus joaquinensis new species. Type. Oblique view of ventral surface of skull. About one-half natural size.
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mi -- SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLUME 87, NUMBER 3
SETH EASTMAN: THE MASTER PAINTER OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN
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DAVID I. BUSHNELL, JR.
(PUBLICATION 3136)
- CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION APRIL. 11, 1932
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOENS i NOs oy PE ad
SETH EASTMAN, 1808-1875
Self-portrait about 1829, now owned by his granddaughter, Miss A. H. Eastman, Washington, D. C.
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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLUME 87, NUMBER 3
SETH EASTMAN: THE MASTER PAINTER OF TRE NOTE AMERICAN INDIAN
(WitH 15 PLATEs)
DAVID I. BUSHNELL, JR.
(PUBLICATION 3136)
GITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION APRIL 11, 1932
TBe Lord Waftimore Press
BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A.
SED EASTMAN: THE MASTER PAINTER OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN
By DAVID I. BUSHNELL, JiR: (Wit 15 PLATES)
Seth Eastman was born in Brunswick, Me., January 24, 1808, and died in Washington, D. C., August 31, 1875. He was appointed to the Military Academy, West Point, from Maine and entered as a cadet July 1, 1824. He was graduated and became a second lieutenant in the First Infantry July 1, 1829.
Eastman appears to have possessed much natural talent for drawing and painting, but there are neither records nor family traditions of his having received instruction in sketching or portrait painting before he entered the Academy. A small self portrait in oil, reproduced as Plate 1, was made at about the time of his graduation and reveals his ability at that time. The approximate date of the picture may be deter- mined by the fact that only one epaulet 1s shown, worn on the left shoulder. The army regulations of 1825 specified: “ Captains of Engi- neers, one gold Epaulette on the right shoulder, and Subalterns one on the left.” By the regulations of 1832 lieutenants, or subalterns, were required to wear two epaulets. Therefore the portrait was necessarily made between the date of his graduation, 1829, and the year 1832.
Eastman’s career as an artist may be divided into two distinct periods. The first and more important extended from the time he left the Academy as a second lieutenant until the winter of 1849-1850, when he reached Washington ; on February 27, 1850, he was instructed to prepare illustrations for Schoolcraft’s great work. His military record during these 20 years, as preserved in the Adjutant General’s Office, War Department, Washington, D. C., is as follows:
“On duty at Fort Crawford, Wisconsin, with regiment, 1829-1830, and at Fort Snelling, Minnesota, 1830-1831; on topographical duty 1831 to January 9, 1833; Assistant Teacher of Drawing, United States Military Academy, to January 22, 1840; in the Florida War 1840-1841 ; with regiment at Fort Snelling, Minnesota, from 1841 to 1846; on recruiting service in 1846; at Fort Snelling, with regiment, 1846 to 1848; on march through Texas to San Antonio, Fredericks- burg, and the Neuces River, 1848-1849.”
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 87, NO. 3
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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
During these 20 years Eastman made innumerable paintings and sketches of the Indians with whom he came in contact, and scenes in the Indian country, including the games, ceremonies, and activities wit- nessed in and about the native villages and camps. Many of the pencil sketches, remarkable in themselves, served the artist in later years, when they were reproduced in oil on canvas. The sketches were pre- pared with the greatest care, dated, described, and often signed, thus proving the training for detail which he had received at the Academy.
The two army posts where the young lieutenant was destined to spend his first years of active service after leaving the Military Acad- emy were frontier posts in the heart of the Indian country. Both were frequented by several tribes possessing different manners and customs. Such surroundings afforded a young and enthusiastic artist many op- portunities to sketch and study the various ceremonies performed by the Indians who visited the posts, or whose camps and villages were nearby. Many details of their primitive ways of life were maintained, and these, fortunately, were often the subjects of the artist’s sketches.
Fort Crawford was the first post to which Eastman was sent during the late summer or early autumn of 1829. It stood a few miles above the mouth of the Wisconsin River, near the left bank of the Mississippi, on the low ground, Prairie du Chien, which had been a gathering place for the native tribes for many generations—long before it was traversed by Europeans. A pencil drawing of the fort, an early ex- ample of the artist’s work, is reproduced in Plate 2. This bears the legend ‘“ Fort Crawford, Prairie du Chien, 537 miles above St. Louis, Oct. 1829.” The houses of the village of Prairie du Chien appear on the right.
Father Marquette reached the Mississippi by descending the Wis- consin River, June 17, 1673, and evidently the region soon became well known to the French traders and trappers. Here, about the middle of October, 1766, came an English army officer, and in his narrative on the bank of the Mississippi, near the mouth of the Ouisconsin, at a place
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printed a few years later he mentioned a large Indian village *
called by the French La Prairies les Chien, which signifies the Dog Plains ; is a large town, and contains about three hundred families ; the houses are well built after the Indian manner. . . . . This town is a great mart, where all the adjacent tribes, and even those who inhabit the most remote branches of the Mississippi, annually assemble about the latter end of May, bringing with them their furs to dispose of to the traders.”
* Carver, J., Travels through the interior parts of North America, in the years 1766, 1767, and 1768, p. 50. London, 1770.
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Soon after Carver’s visit a group of French, coming from Canada, established the village of Prairie du Chien. A garrison was main- tained in the vicinity for many years, but not until the year 1816 was the construction of a fort begun. A year later, on July 25, 1817, Maj. Stephen H. Long was at the post when returning from the Falls of Saint Anthony, and that day entered in his journal:* “‘ Spent the day in measuring and planning Fort Crawford and its buildings. The work is a square of 340 feet upon each side; and is constructed entirely of wood, as are all its buildings, except the magazine, which is of stone, it will accommodate five companies of soldiers.”
Fort Crawford, with the nearby French village of Prairie du Chien, soon became an important center, a gathering place where several tribes received their annuities and conducted their trade with the Fur Com- pany. The tribes who visited the post were the Menominee, Winne- bago, and Fox, then occupying lands east of the Mississippi, as well as some of the Siouan tribes from farther up the Mississippi. A small Menominee settlement stood near Fort Crawford in 1831 which was the scene of a serious attack by some of the tribal enemies. About this time Schoolcraft visited the fort and wrote: *
“While at Prairie du Chien, the murder of 26 Monomonee men, women, and children, by a war party of the Sacs and Foxes, which had transpired a few days previous, was the subject of exciting in- terest. It was narrated with all its atrocious circumstances. A flag waved over the common grave of the slain, and several of the wounded Monomonees, who has escaped the massacre, were examined and conversed with. This affray, unparalled for its boldness and turpi- tude, having occurred in the village of Prairie du Chien, in the hear- ing of its inhabitants, and in sight of the fort, was made the subject of demand by the government for surrendry of the murderers, and produced the concentration of troops on that frontier, which eventu- ated the Indian war of 1832.”
It is believed the picture of ‘‘ Squaws Playing Ball on the Prairie,” a photograph of which is reproduced in Plate 3, represents a group of Menominee, and possibly members of another tribe, in the vicinity of Fort Crawford, and that it was sketched while Eastman was stationed at that post, 1829-1830. This would have been during the year pre- ceding the massacre mentioned by Schoolcraft. The level prairie is clearly shown, with the river in the distance and the hills beyond. The
*Long, Maj. Stephen H., Voyage in a six-oared skiff to the Falls of Saint Anthony in 1817. Coll. Minnesota Hist. Soc., vol. 2, pt. I, p. 56, 1860.
* Schoolcraft, Henry R., Narrative of an expedition through the Upper Missi- ssippi to Itasca Lake, p. 13. New York, 1834.
4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
smoky atmosphere and browned grass proves that it was a scene wit- nessed late in the autumn, and suggests Indian summer, that most de- lightful season of the year in the northern valley. This painting was one of six purchased from the artist by the American Art Union in 1849. It bore the number 169 in the catalogue that year and was dis- tributed with others December 21, 1849. It is a work of great beauty and interest, and is believed to be one of Eastman’s earliest Indian pictures.
Others had witnessed and mentioned the game being played at, or rather on, Prairie du Chien. Pike reached the village April 18, 1806, and two days later, Sunday, April 20, held a council with Winnebago chiefs, and that same afternoon, so he wrote in his journal:* “ they had a great game of the cross on the prairie, between the Sioux on the one side, and the Puants and Reynards on the other. The ball is made of some hard substance and covered with leather, the cross sticks are round and net work, with handles of three feet long... .. In the game which I witnessed, the Sioux were victorious, more I believe, from the superiority of their skill in throwing the ball than by their swiftness, for I thought the Puants and Reynards the swiftest run- ners.” The great chief Wabasha was present at the gathering and con- sequently the Sioux who that day played against the Winnebago and Fox were probably of his band, who had come down the Mississippi from their village on Wabasha Prairie, mentioned by many who passed up and down the river during succeeding years. But it remained for Catlin to leave the most interesting account of a game of ball played by women on the level ground at Prairie du Chien. This was witnessed during the summer of 1835, about five years after Eastman was sta- tioned at Fort Crawford. Catlin was at the post when, so he wrote:’ “ Wa-be-sha’s band of the Sioux came there, and remained several weeks to get their annuities.” A day came when the men “ wanted a little more amusement, and felt disposed to indulge the weaker sex in a little recreation also; it was announced amongst them, and through the village, that the women were going to have a ball-play !
‘For this purpose the men, in their very liberal trades they were making, and filling their canoes with goods delivered to them on a year’s credit, laid out a great quantity of ribbons and calicoes with other presents well adapted to the wants and desires of the women; which were hung on a pole resting on crotches, and guarded by an old
"Pike, Maj. Z. M., An account of expeditions to the sources of the Mississippi, and through the western parts of Louisiana, p. 100. Philadelphia, 18ro.
* Catlin, George, Letters and notes on the manners, customs, and condition of the North American Indians. London, 1841.
NO. 3 SETH EASTMAN—BUSHNELL 5
man, who was to judge and umpire the play which was to take place among the women, who were divided into two equal parties, and were to play a desperate game of ball, for the valuable stakes that were hang- ing before them.”
Catlin’s original painting of the game witnessed by him and de- scribed in the preceding quotation, is now in the collection of the United States National Museum, Washington. It reveals many details similar to those shown in Eastman’s painting believed to have been sketched at the same place a few years before. Both represent the level area bor- dered by the river with hills beyond, groups of Indians gathered to witness the play, and the stakes “‘ which were hung on a pole resting on crotches,” to be awarded to the winners of the game.
In 1835 Catlin wrote: “ Praires du Chien is the concentrating place of the Winnebagoes and Menomonies, who inhabit the waters of the Ouisconsin and Fox rivers, and the chief part of the country lying east
of the Mississippi and west of Green Bay.”
FORT SNELLING
Fort Snelling or, as it was originally named, Fort Saint Anthony, was the second army post to which Lieutenant Eastman was assigned with the First Infantry. This was in 1830 and it is evident he went direct from Fort Crawford, up the Mississippi to the mouth of the Saint Peters. Several sketches in one of his sketch books, showing views along the river, are believed to have been made at that time.
Fort Snelling occupies the summit of a high cliff at the junction of the Mississippi and Minnesota rivers, the latter formerly known as the Saint Peters. This prominent point is on the left bank of the Min- nesota and right bank of the Mississippi, and was visited and described by Pike in 1806. Eleven years later, in 1817, Major Long recom- mended the establishment of an army post at the confluence of the streams. Lieutenant Colonel Leavenworth, with a detachment of the Fifth Infantry, arrived at the mouth of the Saint Peters River September 17, 1819, and “ on the 1oth of September, 1820, the corner- stone of Fort St. Anthony was laid. The barracks were at first log structures.” * Col. Josiah Snelling arrived at the post and relieved Leavenworth about the beginning of September, 1820. Later the name of the new commander was applied to the fort.
The young lieutenant did not remain long at Fort Snelling at this time and from 1831 to January 9, 1833, was “ on topographical duty,”
* Neill, Rev. E. D., Occurrences in and around Fort Snelling from 1819 to 1840. Coll. Minnesota Hist. Soc., 1865.
6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
but it is not known what part of the country he visited. From this lat- ter date to January 22, 1840, he served as assistant teacher of drawing at the Military Academy, West Point. During these years he made many paintings and sketches, scenes in the vicinity of the Academy and many of the historic spots along the banks of the Hudson. He ex- hibited in the exhibitions of the National Academy of Design in 1836, 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840. In 1838 he included two paintings of Fort Snelling, both then owned by Army officers, the original sketches for which had undoubtedly been made in 1830 or 1831, when he was first stationed at that post.
Eastman was elected an honorary member of the National Academy of Design in 1838, while still at West Point. He had one painting in the exhibition of 1848 which was described as “‘ Indian Burial.’ There are no examples of Eastman’s work at the Military Academy although he made many paintings and sketches during the years he was sta- tioned there as teacher of drawing.
AMONG THE SEMINOLES IN FLORIDA
As already stated, Lieutenant Eastman’s assignment as assistant teacher of drawing at the Academy terminated January 22, 1840, and from West Point he went south to join his regiment. According to the army records he was “in the Florida War, 1840-1841,” but just where he was stationed is not known. A brief sketch of events in Florida shortly preceding Eastman’s arrival on the peninsula will be of interest in connection with one of his water-color drawings which is now reproduced.
Maj. Gen. Alexander Macomb, Commanding in Chief of the Army, left Washington March 22, 1839, “ for Garey’s Ferry, on Black Creek in Florida,” where he arrived April 5. His endeavor was to make peace with the Seminoles. Runners were sent throughout the country to acquaint the scattered Indians with his arrival in their country and to request them to gather in council at Fort King, but not until after the middle of the following month did he meet with a degree of suc- cess. “ Lieutenant Colonel Harney, accompanied by Chitto Tustanug- gee, the great war chief of the tribes associated with Apiaka, attended by Ochi-Hajo, a brother of Blue Snake, arrived from Cape Florida the day before the council. . . . . The next day (the 18th) the council was accordingly held.” ”
"Report of the Major General Commanding the Army. Ex. Doc. No. 2. House of Repr. 26th Cong., Ist Sess., Washington, 1839.
INOS. 34 SETH EASTMAN-—_BUSH NELL 7.
Later that same day, after the Indians had met the Army officers in council, General Macomb issued the following General Orders:
HEAD QUARTERS OF THE ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES Fort King, Florida, May 18, 1839.
The Major General, commanding in chief, has the satisfaction of announcing to the army in Florida, to the authorities of the Territory, and to the citizens generally, that he has this day terminated the war with the Seminole Indians by an agreement entered into with Chitto-Tustenuggee, principal chief of the Seminoles and successor to Arpeika, commonly called Sam Jones, brought to this post by Lieutenant Colonel Harney, 2d Dragoons, from the southern parts of the peninsula. ....
ALEXANDER MACOMB Major General Commanding.’
The report of peace proved premature, and through treachery on the part of the Indians quiet was not restored for many months. But the document served to identify Sam Jones as the great chief of the Seminoles, Chitto Tustenuggee, whose name frequently occurs in re- ports and narratives connected with the war.
Fortunately, Captain Eastman visited the southern part of Florida and, as would be supposed, made sketches with pencil and water color. One of the latter is a view of “ Sam Jones’ Village,’ which reveals a group of shelters, for the most part roofs of palmetto thatch sup- ported by upright posts set in the ground. These primitive structures are surrounded by semitropical vegetation, with open water in the dis- tance. A large wooden mortar and pestle are shown in the extreme lower right corner of the sketch, with a very large snake on the left. The exact location is not known, but it was undoubtedly far south on the peninsula. This extremely interesting picture is reproduced in Plate 4.
AT KOR? SNELLING
With the exception of a short period during the year 1846 when he was “on recruiting service,” Captain Eastman was stationed at Fort Snelling with his regiment from 1841 to the autumn of 1848 when he went to Texas. During the years he served at the post he made in- numerable sketches of the Indians who frequented the fort, then in the heart of the region dominated by the Mdewakanton, a tribe of the Dakota, the largest division of the Siouan linguistic family. The native villages stood on the banks of the Mississippi and Minnesota rivers, easily reached from the fort.
Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro had served as Indian Agent at Fort Snelling for many years and resigned at the close of 1839. His last
*Giddins, Joshua R., The Florida exiles. New York, 1863.
8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS {COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
report was dated ‘* Northwestern Agency, St. Peter’s, lowa Territory, September 30, 1839,” and in it he gave a valuable account of the sev- eral tribes of the Dakota, with many of whom he was personally ac- quainted. Concerning the ‘* Medawakantons,”” occupying the country surrounding Fort Snelling, he said in part: * This tribe numbers ex- actly 1,658 souls; 484 warriors, 406 women, and 768 children of all ages. These reside in seven detached villages, composed of bark houses ; and in winter, buffalo, elk, or other skin lodges are resorted to during their migration or hunting expeditions.” These were the people with whom Eastman came in contact and were the subjects frequently sketched and painted. But parties of the Ojibway, who claimed and occupied the country north and east of the Mississippi, likewise visited the post, and often members of the two groups, ever enemies, met in the vicinity of the fort and engaged in combat which usually resulted in the death or wounding of some.
Two important villages of the Mdewakanton, “ mystery lake village,” of the Santee or eastern division of the Dakota, were then standing a short distance from Fort Snelling. Kaposia, the more extensive and better known, was on the right bank of the Mississippi about 12 miles below the mouth of the Saint Peters, or Minnesota River, as the stream was later designated. Little Crow was chief and the village was visited and briefly described by many who ascended the river. Both the bark- covered lodge, in form not unlike that of a log cabin but having the entrance at the end instead of side, and conical skin tipi were to have been seen at the settlement, with an ancient burial ground and many scaffold burials on the summit of the cliff which bordered the low ground over which the habitations were scattered. It is believed that many of Eastman’s pictures were sketched at Kaposia. The second of the native villages belonged to another band of the Mdewakanton and was usually known as “ Shakopee’s Village,” from the name of the chief whose home it was. This settlement stood on the banks of the Minnesota River, some miles above its junction with the Mississippi, in the present Scott County, Minn.
Far down the Mississippi, about 140 miles below the mouth of the Minnesota River, was the important village of Wapasha, on the right bank of the river, occupying part of ‘* Wahbasha’s Prairie,” now within the bounds of Winona County, Minn. The name Wabasha, * the red leaf,” was applied to a long line of chiefs of the Mdewakanton, long before they had been driven from the shores of Mille Lac and forced to seek a new home on the banks of the Mississippi, when they estab- lished the most southern village of their tribe, the first to be encoun- tered when ascending the river.
VOl87 NOs, RET
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLAN EOUS COLLECTIONS
Size 8 by 72 inches 1841 ‘““SAM JONES’ VILLAGE IN FLORIDA.”’
Mrs. M. M. Forrest
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLE-I870 -NOzs3, WRITS
Size 15 by 11% inches 1844
ETA KEAZAH—SISSETON SIOUX AT FORT SNELLING David I. Bushnell, Jr.
INOS SETH EASTMAN—BUSHNELL 9
Such then was the Indian Country in the midst of which the artist remained some years. A region of lakes and streams, forests and prairies, and where wild game abounded. Amidst these primitive sur- roundings Eastman made many sketches, but very few belonging to the years before 1847 have been traced. One portrait, made at Fort Snelling in 1844, is reproduced in Plate 5. This is in oil, on a panel of wood, and is a likeness of a Sisseton Sioux named Eta Keazah. It shows the use of the beaded head covering worn by the northern In- dians, both Sioux and Ojibway, during the winter season ; however, caps of this sort were used extensively throughout the northern country as far east as the tribes of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Eastman shows them worn by Indians fishing through the ice, in one of his later paintings.
It is to be regretted that Eastman failed to keep a journal during his stay in the Indian country, for had he made notes of events that transpired at the army posts and of the gatherings of the Indians, and described the individuals and the native villages, his writings would have proved of value equal to that of his sketches and paintings.
The year 1848 may be regarded as the most interesting period of Eastman’s career as an artist, and possibly he anticipated his early removal from the post and departure from the upper Mississippi, and therefore made many sketches in the vicinity of Fort Snelling which served him in the following years when he was preparing the illustra- tions for Schoolcraft’s work.
While still on the upper Mississippi, during the month of July, 1848, he witnessed a stirring event on “ Wahbasha’s Prairie,” about 150 miles below the Falls of Saint Anthony, below Lake Pepin, on the right bank of the Mississippi. This excitement was occasioned by a band of Winnebago at the time of their removal, and may best be explained by quoting from the official documents of the time:
St. PETER’s (WINNEBAGO) AGENCY October 4, 1848
Sir: Since my last annual report of the condition of the Winnebago Indians, the most important event connected with them is their removal from the neutral ground to the country they now occupy. When the tribe was notified last spring, by the government, that their new home was procured for them, they decided at once to remove, and such arrangements were made as would have enabled them to remove comfortably, and with a very moderate expense, but the inter- ference of interested individuals created dissatisfaction and disturbance among the Indians, which caused much delay, and resulted in scattering one-half of the tribe. Some of those who turned back went to their old hunting ground in
IO SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS. COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
Wisconsin, others went west into the interior and western part of Iowa. I have recently been informed that a party of about one hundred in number have joined the Ottoes, southwest of the Missouri river. .... J. E. FLEtcHER, Indian Agent.
The report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs dated Novem- ber 30, 1848, contains a brief reference to the removal of the Winne- bago: “ The experiment in the case of the Winnebagoes has also been successful; although their emigration from Iowa to their new country on the upper Mississippi was attended with some delay and difficulty ; caused, however, by the unauthorized interference of inter- ested white persons, and of a portion of the Sioux that were desirous to have them stop and remain in their country.”
It was evidently Wabasha’s band of Mdewakanton Sioux that desired the Winnebago to settle or remain with them, and the excit- ing scene witnessed by Captain Eastman was probably enacted at that time. The pencil drawing, described by the artist as: “ Wahbasha’s Prairie, Miss. River. Scene in July 1848. Difficulty with the Winne- bagoes while removing them to their present country,’ now repro- duced in Plate 6, is a beautiful example of his work and reveals his great skill in showing minute detail. The United States troops are drawn up on the left with a large number of mounted Indians, prob- ably the Winnebago, in their front. The small group of armed In- dians, crouching on the river bank in the immediate foreground, appear to be operating with the Americans.
In a letter written from “ Fort Snelling, I. T., August 6, 1848 ”’ and signed “S. Eastman, Captain 1st Infantry, Commanding Fort Snelling” he discussed “ means as will effectually stop the Indians from smuggling ardent spirits into the country.” The letter was ad- dressed to Maj. Thomas H. Harvey, Superintendent of Indian Af- fairs, but no means were ever effective. As Eastman was at that time in command at Fort Snelling he may have led the troaps shown fac- ing the Winnebago on ‘* Wahbasha’s Prairie.’
Later in the year Captain Eastman again visited ‘‘ Wahbasha’s Prairie,” and made an interesting sketch of a group of temporary shelters, probably a camp of a small number of Indians. This bears the legend: ‘“‘ Miss. River. Wahbasha’s Prairie. 725 miles above St. Louis—looking South. Oct. 1848” (pl. 7).
The Territory of Minnesota was created in 1849. On May 16 of that year one who was ascending the Mississippi entered in his nar- rative: “ passed Wapasha’s Prairie . . . . a beautiful prairie in Min-
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* Ex. Doe. no. 1, 30th Cong., 2d Sess., Washington, 1848.
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nesota, about nine miles long and three miles wide, occupied by the chief Wapasha (or Red-Leaf) and his band of Sioux, whose bark lodges are seen at the upper end of the prairie.” And that same day, after leaving Lake Pepin, “an Indian village, called Red Wing, inhabited by a tribe of Sioux is seen on the Minnesota shore. It appears to contain about one dozen bark lodges, and half as many conical lodges, covered with buffalo skins ; also, a log or frame house, occupied by a missionary. Indian children were seen running, in frolicsome mood, over the green prairie, and Indian females were pad- dling their canoes along the shore. This village is near the mouth of Cannon River.” * The next day, May 17, he passed Kaposia, then consisting of some 40 skin lodges and having a population of about 300.
Such were the native villages along the banks of the Mississippi in Minnesota just before the organization of the State.
The small water color reproduced in Plate 8 is believed to have been made on the bank of the Minnesota River, above Fort Snelling, and may be a sketch of Shakopee’s village. It is signed and dated 1848 and was probably made just before Eastman was detached from Fort Snelling. Some beautiful pencil drawings made about this time are also reproduced, one being entitled: ‘ Sioux Indians Playing the Game of the Plum Stones” (pl. 9), which was later engraved, and “ Buffalo Hunt of the Sioux Indians” (pl. 10), in which the artist recorded the use of the spear, bow and arrow, and gun, by the mounted hunters.
The report of the Indian Agent, dated “Saint Peters Indian Agency, Sept. 15, 1847,” refers to the condition of the Sioux as “more favorable the past year. Buffalo, about the head of St. Peters River, have been much more abundant than usual, which is to be ac- counted for by the fact that prairies farther north were burned over, so that these animals were driven to seek subsistence in a more south- ern region.” This may have enabled Captain Eastman to have wit- nessed the hunting of the buffalo by the Indians nearer Fort Snelling than formerly, and some of his sketches were possibly made at that time.
As already mentioned, many of the pencil sketches that Eastman made during the years he was stationed at Fort Snelling were copied and worked up in after years when he had returned to Washington. Two examples are shown in Plate 11, illustrating two phases of the process of dressing a deer skin, which he had undoubtedly witnessed
*Seymour, E. S., Sketches of Minnesota. New York, 1850.
I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS “COLLECTIONS VOL: 87
in the vicinity of the post. The two pictures are entirely different. Figure 1, a water-color sketch, dated 1850 and consequently made in Washington, is copied from a small pencil drawing; Figure 2 is a photograph of a large oil painting, now hanging in a room of the House Committee on Indian Affairs in the Capitol Building, Wash- ington, D. C. The latter was painted in 1868 or 1869 and will again be mentioned. The two pictures serve to illustrate a passage in one of the publications of the artist’s wife:’
“When the animal is killed . . . . the women take off the hair of the skin with a knife, after which they moisten the skin, and stretch it to upright poles . . . . or on the ground, by means of pegs driven in the earth. When there are white people near to whom they can apply, they try to obtain a little soap to cleanse the skin; but if dependent on themselves, they use, in the place of soap, the brains of the animal. These they spread over the skin, scraping it with an iron or bone scraper. Thus they remove all the fat and greasy par- ticles. They then rub the skin against a cord that is stretched to a couple of stakes, until it has become soft. The work is completed when the skin is smoked. To accomplish this, a hole is dug, and a small fire built at the bottom. Over the hole a few sticks are laid. Across these they place the skin. The hole is covered with leaves or turf, to confine the smoke as much as possible, and to smother the flame. After the skin is smoked from ten to twenty hours, it becomes of a dingy, yellowish color, and is ready for use.”
Although the foregoing reference is to buffalo skin, it is believed that all skins were tanned in the same manner and that the descrip- tion would apply equally well to deer skin.
Skins of the buffalo thus prepared served many purposes, and were most important in the life of the Indian, especially of the plains tribes. They were used in making moccasins and coarse garments such as shirts and leggings, and a number of them sewed together and properly shaped formed the covering for the tipi. The hide is very harsh, rough, and quite porous and could never be dressed so fine and soft as were the skins of deer and other animals.
CAPTAIN EASTMAN AND THE AMERICAN ART UNION
The American Art Union, known during the first five years of its existence as The Apollo Association, was organized in 1838 and con- tinued until 1852. It was created for “the promotion of the Fine
*Eastman, Mrs. Mary H., The American aboriginal port folio. Philadelphia. [1853].
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Arts in the United States,’ and the money derived from the dues paid by the members was used to purchase the works of American artists which were then distributed to the members by lot each year at the time of the annual meeting. This manner of disposing of the many paintings, engravings, medals, and other objects, was declared by the New York Supreme Court on October 22, 1852, “ illegal and unconstitutional,” and led to the dissolution of the organization.
The American Art Union during its few years undoubtedly did a ereat deal to assist the young artists of the country, and the names of many who became well known in later years are to be found on the lists appearing in the publications of the Union. The first annual meeting was held December 16, 1839, at which time 63 paintings were dis- tributed among the members, but the number steadily increased and on December 22, 1848, 454 paintings were won by the members ; the number distributed on December 21, 1849, was 460.
The name of Seth Eastman first appeared in 1848, the last year he was stationed in the upper Mississippi valley. That year the Art Union purchased six of his paintings, all Indian subjects, but unfor- tunately neither description nor dimension is given in connection with the reference to the pictures which appeared in the Bulletin issued by the Union that year. The six paintings purchased during the year 1848 were:
No. 288. Indian Burial.
No. 333. Indian Scalp Dance.
No. 334. Buffalo Hunt.
No. 441. Moonlight—Sioux Landing.
No. 448. Sioux Breaking up Camp.
No. 449. Dog Dance—a Dance of the Braves.
The next year, 1849, the Art Union again purchased six pictures, likewise Indian subjects, all of which were briefly though interestingly described in the Bulletin as follows:
61. Sioux in Council. (25 by 35 inches.)
“ These figures are all painted from life, and are portraits. An old chief is lecturing a young warrior for cowardice.”
71. O-ho-ka-pe, an Indian Hunter. (25 by 35 inches. )
“This is a celebrated hunter of the Sioux nation. He is said to have killed thirteen deer in one day. During the last war with Great Britain he was captured by the English, and kept in prison several months, at which time he lost his intellect. This was taken from life by Capt. Eastman.”
Sississiton Chief. (25 by 35 inches.)
“This is also a portrait. The original is called ‘The Burning
Earth.’ He resides near the headwaters of the St. Peters River, and is chief of a band of Dacotahs.”
NI Ny
14 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
107. Medicine Dance. Dacotah or Sioux Indians. (25 by 35 inches. ) “A large party of Indians beside their wigwams, engaged in the mystic ceremonies of the medicine dance.” 109. Squaws Playing Ball on the Prairie. (25 by 35 inches.) “A large number are engaged in this exercise, running swiftly in opposing bands, while others in the foreground are looking on.” 171. Buffalo Hunt. (25 by 35 inches. ) “A herd of buffaloes are attacked by Indians, one of whom has been dismounted by a furious bull, which his comrade dispatches with a lance.”
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Fic. 1.—Label attached to the stretcher of the painting reproduced in Plate 12.
Again in 1850 Eastman disposed of the same number of pictures to the Art Union, but all were not Indian subjects, three being of a different nature. The three pictures of interest at this time were thus described in the Bulletin:
149. Indian Hunters. (30 by 25 inches.)
“Two Indians—one seated, and holding a tomahawk; the other standing beside him, wrapped in his blanket.”
155. Indians Playing Draughts. (30 by 25 inches.) “Two are engaged at this game, which a third overlooks.” 167. Indian Ball-Play. (25 by 35 inches.)
“A large number of Indians are engaged in this amusement upon the ice, beside which, among the trees, are seen the wigwams.”
In 1851, the last year the Art Union purchased paintings, Captain Eastman disposed of one small picture entitled ‘ Moonlight,” evi- dently not an Indian subject.
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Size 5 by 83 inches December 1848 1. ALAMO AT SAN ANTONIO
Mrs. M. M. Forrest
Size 43 by 7 inches 1849
2. OLD MEXICAN LOOKOUT OR WATCH TOWER AT SAN ANTONIO, TEX. TWO MILES FROM THE ALAMO
Miss A. H. Eastman
NOS SETH EASTMAN—BUSHNELL I
or
Could the 15 paintings of Indian subjects which were acquired by the Art Union during the years 1848, 1849, and 1850 be assembled, they would form a collection of the greatest interest and importance, one not surpassed by the works of any other artist. But they are widely scattered, some are lost, and some may have been destroyed during the many years that have elapsed since they were distributed to members of the old organization. However, two are described at this time which serve to indicate what the others may have been.
The two paintings to which the preceding statement refers were distributed by the Art Union in December, 1849, and bore the num- bers 167 and 169. The latter has already been described and illustrated in Plate 3. The second, number 167 in the Bulletin of the Art Union, December, 1849, is shown in Plate 12, and a photograph of the label attached to the stretcher is reproduced in Figure 1. It portrays the Medicine Dance of the Sioux and is believed to have been a scene witnessed by the artist at one of the several native villages which then stood not far from Fort Snelling. It is a most interesting example of Eastman’s earlier work and was probably made at the post.
The Medicine Dance was one of the more important ceremonies of the Sioux, a very complete description of which was given some years ago by one who had undoubtedly seen it enacted in the vicinity of Fort Snelling. A brief quotation from the account will tend to make clear certain details of the painting. The superstitious beliefs of the people are first mentioned, with the traditional origin of the cere- mony, and then it continues to describe it as enacted: ’
* Early in the morning the tent, in form like that which the god first erected for the purposes, is thrown open for the dance. The members assemble painted and ornamented, each bearing his medicine- sack.
“ After a few preliminary ceremonies, appropriate to the occasion, including a row of kettles of large dimensions, well filled and ar- ranged over a fire at the entrance of the court, guarded by sentries appointed for the occasion, the candidate takes his place on a pile of blankets which he and his friends have contributed.”
No two ceremonies would have been exactly the same, and this brief description is sufficiently clear to explain the scene as recorded on the canvas. On the left is a member, “ painted and ornamented,” carrying his medicine sack; on the extreme right is visible “a row of kettles of large dimensions,’ and near the center, resting upon blankets, is one who may be “ the candidate.” The large skin tipi,
* Pond, G. H., Dakota superstitions. Coll. Minnesota Hist. Soc., 1867.
16 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
opened and revealing a group of Indians with a drum, may have been considered ‘in form like that which the god first erected for the purposes.”
IN TEXAS
About the beginning of October, 1848, Captain Eastman left Fort Snelling, where he had served so many years, and passed down the Mississippi to New Orleans. By the latter part of November he had arrived at San Antonio, but it is not known what route he had fol- lowed from Louisiana. He remained but a short time in San Antonio, then went some 65 miles north to Camp Houston, which had been established by the American forces near the town of Fredericksburg, where he remained until March to, 1849.
While in and about San Antonio Captain Eastman made some very beautiful pencil and water-color sketches several of which are now reproduced. One small pencil sketch of the Alamo, dated Novem- ber 22, 1848, bears this legend: “ Front view of the Chapel in the Alamo, at San Antonio, Texas. David Crocket and 167 Texians were slain in this building by the Mexicans during the Texian Revo- lution.” A few days later Eastman made the small water-color draw- ing which is now reproduced in Plate 13. This is signed with his initials and bears the date “ Dec. 1848.” Likewise on November 22, 1848, he made a pencil sketch of a ruined tower on which he wrote: * Old Mexican lookout or watch tower at San Antonio, Texas, Two miles from the Alamo.” A water-color drawing was later made of the ruin, a photograph of which is reproduced in Plate 13, Figure 2. This is signed “S. Eastman, 1849.’’ He also made a very beautiful pencil sketch of the ‘* Mission Chapel of the Conception at San An- tonio, Texas: Nov:.28; 1848, signed ~ S2 Eastman, WS Airnayes These are of the greatest historical interest.
Sketches made in the vicinity of Camp Houston, near Fredericks- burg, show the quaint structures which had been reared by the German settlers, and scenes in and near the village. The live oaks which at- tain great size at Fredericksburg and in the surrounding country, attracted much attention and were often sketched but, unfortunately, the artist evinced little interest in the few Indians with whom he came in contact.
Captain Eastman reached Washington during the winter of 1849- 1850, where he remained more than five years preparing the numer- ous illustrations for Schoolcraft’s work, ‘‘ History, Conditions and Future Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States.” For this purpose he made a great number of small water-color pictures,
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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 877, INO-«3;, PE. 15
pice ee ene
Size 32 by 45 inches 1869 We INDIAN MODE OF TRAVELING
House Committee on Indian Affairs, Capitol Building
Size 32 by 45 inches 1868 2. SPEARING FISH IN WINTER
House Committee on Indian Affairs, Capitol Building
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NO. 3 SETH EASTMAN—BUSHNELL 17 many of which were copied from original sketches made during the preceding years spent in the Indian country, others were composed and drawn for reproduction by the engravers. But while engaged in making the illustrations for Schoolcraft’s great work it is evident that Eastman painted other pictures of a more pretentious nature. One which he made in 1852 for his friend and neighbor, Peter Force, who then lived opposite the Eastman home on K Street, in Wash- ington, is shown in Plate 14. This beautiful example of Eastman’s work is now owned by descendants of the one for whom it was painted. It is called “ The Indian Council,” and although the group- ing of the figures is quite similar to that of the painting made some years later for the Government, which is now hanging in the rooms of the House Committee on Indian Affairs, it differs in many details and is a more pleasing picture.
Having completed the Schoolcraft illustrations, Eastman served ‘with regiment at Forts Duncan and Chadbourne, Texas, 1855- 1856.” On October 31, 1856, he became a major and was attached to the Fifth Infantry; he was placed “on special duty in Quarter- master General’s Office, Washington, D. C., 1857-1858.”
Having returned to his home in Washington, he again became interested in his paintings and early sketches of scenes in the upper Mississippi valley, and in 1857 he painted the canvas entitled “ Ball Play on the Prairies,” which was purchased by W. W. Corcoran and now hangs in the Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, D. C.
Eastman became lieutenant colonel, 1st Infantry, September 9, 1861, and was retired December 3, 1863. He served in various capacities during the Civil War.
On March 26, 1867, Congress passed a joint resolution which en- abled Eastman to paint the two groups of pictures which are owned by the government. This read in part: “It provides if the Presi- dent shall deem it proper to assign Brevet Brigadier General Seth Eastman, of the United States Army, now on the retired list, to duty, so as to entitle him to full pay, emoluments, and allowances Ore his lineal rank. . .”... ’ The purpose of this was to have him execute paintings for the rooms “of the Committees on Indian Affairs and on Military Affairs of the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives,” to be made from his own designs, the work to be done under the supervision of the architect of the Capitol. In addition to the picture of a woman dressing a deer skin, already mentioned (pl. 11), two other examples of his pictures painted for and now hanging in the rooms of the House Committee on Indian Affairs in
the Capitol Building, are now reproduced (pl. 15, figs. 1 and 2).
.
18 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
The first is entitled “ Indian Mode of Traveling,’ and shows a long line of Indians, some mounted, others on foot, crossing the prairie. The second is one of the most beautiful of his many paintings, and bears the title “ Spearing Fish in Winter.” This wintry scene was described by Mrs. Eastman in her book already mentioned, and to quote in part: “In the picture an Indian is about taking a fine fish from off his spear; the hatchet with which he broke the hole in the ice lies beside him.
‘He is dressed in the warm dress worn by the Dacotas in the winter, his head protected from the cold by the cornered hood, which is only worn by the men. ....
These were the artist’s last Indian pictures. A few years later, while engaged on the series of forts, he was stricken and died in Washington, D. C., August 31, 1875.
Smit ROOM) HSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLILECTIONS VOLUME 87, NUMBER 4 ry u On, i Rae
OF OBSERVATIONS
ww ITH ONE PLATE)
_ PERIODICITIES IN LONG SERIES
BY G. G. ABBOT
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution
PERE INCRE CRON Be N Se Ato, 4 nes
(PUBLICATION 3138)
at & CITY OF WASHINGTON ae PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Rahs FEBRUARY 6, 1932
|
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLUME 87, NUMBER 4
Research Corporation Fund
THE PERIODOMETER: AN INSTRUMENT FOR FINDING AND EVALUATING PERIODICITIES IN LONG SERIES OF OBSERVATIONS
(WiTH ONE PLATE)
BY G. G. ABBOT
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution
een seen
<° AE INC, ON
ZEEE ae : OS GE SHON ee
(PUBLICATION 3138)
CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION FEBRUARY 6, 1932
The Lord Baltimore Press
BALTIMORE, MD., U. 8S. A.
Research Corporation Fund
THE PERIODOMETER: AN INSTRUMENT FOR FINDING AND EVALUATING PERIODICITIES IN LONG SERIES OF OBSERVATIONS
By, C36. ABBOT,
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution (WitH ONE PLaTeE)
In a paper entitled ““ Weather Dominated by Solar Changes,” * I described and illustrated a method of finding and evaluating periodici- ties by computation. My method consisted first in plotting the lengthy series of observational data on a large scale and scanning them from a, distance in order to perceive tendencies, if any, toward a repetition of minima at some nearly regular interval.
Such an interval of 8 months seemed to appear in the plot of solar variation in the years 1924 to 1930. To test it and evaluate it, I ar- ranged the 10-day mean solar-constant values in a table of 24 columns. The top line contained the values for the first 8 months, the second line those for the second 8 months, and so on until the data were ex- hausted. Mean values of the vertical columns were then taken. These indicated plainly the reality of the 8-month periodicity in solar varia- tion, and determined the distribution of it. The mean form found for the curve of this periodicity did not approximate a sine curve, but showed a short quick rise from the minimum and a long slow decline from the maximum to the minimum.
The second step in computation was to subtract from the original data values representing the average march of the 8-month periodicity. A new curve of partial solar variation resulted, from which the aver- age 8-month periodicity had been cleared. This residual curve was next scanned, and seemed to display an 11-month periodicity. It was evaluated and removed from the residual data in the same way that the 8-month periodicity had been evaluated and removed from the original data. The 11-month periodicity showed a double maximum and still less resembled a sine form than the 8-month periodicity.
A 45-month periodicity and a 25-month periodicity were similarly discovered, evaluated, and removed. In Figure 1, the residual curve C
*Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 85, no. I, 1931.
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 87, No. 4
A 1.965
1.95;
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
B 1.95-1.94
1.94-1.93-—
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NO. 4 THE PERIODOMETER—ABBOT 3
4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
of solar variation, after thus evaluating and removing these four periodicities of 8, 11, 25, and 45 months, is compared with the original data shown in curve A. One other periodicity above 8 months ap- pears conspicuously in curve C, namely, one of 68 months, as indi- cated by the smoothed curve. No other periodicity of importance remaining, the computation was concluded at that point. It had dis- closed that the solar variation since 1918, as depicted by the march of monthly mean values, is adequately represented as the sum of five regular periodicities of 8, 11, 25, 45, and 68 months, whose sum is given in curve B of Figure 1. Curve B is drawn below curve A to avoid confusion, but will be seen to be a very close copy of curve A, except in the early years when the observations were least satisfactory.
I would like to emphasize that none of these five periodicities is of sine form, though the 68-month residual is not far from it. I would like also to remark that these five necessary and sufficient constituents of the solar variation since 1918 are not related to each other in length in the ratios 1: 4:4:4:4 as would have been the periodicities used in Fourier analyses. It seems to me that the method which I have used leads more directly to true and significant relations than the arbitrary fitting of a curve by the classical methods based on Fourier analysis.
It occurred to me that the various steps used in computing might be done by a machine. Having suggested its design, I was so fortunate as to receive a grant of $1,000 from the Research Corporation of New York to aid in the construction. The work was done mainly by Mr. A. Kramer, instrument maker of the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory. Finding some difficulty, however, with the two large grooved barrels, each equipped with 152 sliders and a clamping de- vice, these parts were very accurately made to my order by the Gaertner Scientific Corporation of Chicago.
Plate 1 gives a photograph of the completed instrument. A steel scale, a, with double graduation into millimeters and half millimeters, respectively, enables the observer to set up the data on the right-hand drum. This he does by rotating the knurled wheel, b, which, through gearing, engages a rack at 0, on which is carried a vertical displaceable pawl. This pawl is adapted to engage successively the sliders, d, d, 152 in number, and push them along their grooves to proper settings, as measured by the scale, a. Check screw-clamps are provided to stop the rack at zero of the scale, a, on each return motion, whether to left as just indicated or to right as mentioned below. Thus a long curve, determined by the original data, is set up on the right-hand drum, and its sliders are clamped and fixed immovably by the screw and band, e, e. A small vice-clamp, f, operated by a knurled head now
Ss
NO. 4 THE PERIODOMETER—ABBOT 5
grasps one of the sliders on the left-hand drum. The vertical pawl used in pushing the sliders of the right-hand drum to their positions is now pushed by the rack and knurled wheel, b, until it touches the slider lying at the top of the right-hand drum. A train of gearing, g, h, variable through ratios 4+, +, 4, and 4 operates simultaneously a rack carrying the knurled head and its vise-clamp, f, and thereby pushes the front slider on the left-hand drum through 4 (or other preferred fraction) of the travel of the pawl.
Returning to zero of the scale, a, the two drums are then moved forward one division by making a single rotation of the knurled wheel, 7. The above process is repeated until as many sliders are set on the left-hand drum as there are data in the periodicity sought. Let us assume for illustration that these data number 8. Thus the indi- vidual values of this interval of 8 data are reproduced on + scale on the left-hand drum. That drum is now reversed to its starting posi- tion, and a new series of 8 pushes is made. As these new pushes start from the positions already attained, we now have the average of the first 16 data reproduced on 2? scale. Repeating the process until 40 data are covered, the left-hand drum then exhibits the mean value of the 8-datum periodicity over an interval of 40 data.
If the periodicity sought seems real, as revealed by the form of the mean curve thus determined, it may next be read off and recorded. Fresh data on the right-hand drum may then be used to give a second and a third determination of the 8-datum period. If these new deter- minations of it harmonize fairly with the first, then it is clear that the 8-datum period exists throughout the whole interval of the data. A mean of the three determinations is taken to represent it.
The general mean form of the 8-datum periodicity is next set up on the left-hand drum and clamped. The sliders of the right-hand drum are loosened. Then, employing the vise-clamp, j, and a second pawl available for the left-hand drum, all the sliders on the right-hand drum are moved toward the left through distances determined by the periodic setting of the sliders of the left-hand drum. This average &-datum periodicity is used end to end successively so as to remove completely the average 8-datum periodicity from all the original data. Thus a residual curve remains, from which the average 8-datum periodicity has been eliminated.
The same procedure is repeated with any other periodicities which seem to be displayed by the settings of the sliders on the right-hand drum, until all promising possibilities are exhausted.
It is frequently desirable to take consecutive means of several data at a time in order to smooth a long series of observations. This is
6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VoL. 87
readily done with the periodometer. The original data are set up as usual on the right-hand drum. They are then all consecutively trans- ferred to the left-hand drum on a scale of 4, 4, or accordant to any preferred smoothing grouping of five or less. The left-hand drum is then set back by the interval of one groove, and the transfer of all the data is made a second time. This process is repeated five times, four times, or to correspond with whatever consecutive grouping is chosen. The left-hand drum will then have set up upon it a curve on the same scale as the original curve, but smoothed by consecutive means. This curve may be read off and recorded or it may be transferred back to the right-hand drum as follows: Set the right-hand check screw- clamp corresponding to zero of the scale, a, and all the right-hand sliders at zero. Disconnect the gear train, g, h, and set the left-hand pawl as described above for eliminating evaluated periodicities. Turn the knurled wheel, b, towards the left till the pawl touches a slider, clamp the right-hand clamp, 7, and turn back to zero of scale, a. Repeat for all the data of the smoothed curve, and the right-hand drum will then have upon it the smoothed curve set up ready for periodicity determinations.
As yet the periodometer has not been extensively used. It may be that after longer experience with it additional automatic features may be introduced which will promote speed of operation. In its present form it works well.
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"SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLUME 87, NUMBER 5
se
THE NARRATIVE OF A SOUTHERN . CHEYENNE WOMAN
) | BY TRUMAN MICHELSON Ethnologist, Bureau of American Ethnology . : : , . <AQSONTAN INSTITT SN. s ne ay oT ee ae s MAR 21 1982 ee Phe a OFFicg ipRA Ba ARE INCRE . ; s » ena ay Ah ets 2 oe (PurticaTIon 3140) Bee ' CITY OF WASHINGTON le en ; oy PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NG Perea ou Nie MARCH 21, 1932
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS
VOLUME 87, NUMBER 5
THE NARRATIVE OF A SOUTHERN CHEYENNE WOMAN
BY TRUMAN MICHELSON
Ethnologist, Bureau of American Ethnology
(PUBLICATION 3140)
CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION MARCH 21, 1932
ss bo) s a 2 » ° = — s S R » oe aul x ma v
4 a D ad oS 3 = -_ & 4 a a
tae NARRATIVE OF A SOUTHERN CHEYENNE WOMAN
By TRUMAN MICHELSON, ETHNOLOGIST, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
The following narrative was obtained for me by Mack Haag near Calumet, Okla., in the summer of 1931. I have corrected the English slightly, but otherwise the narrative is given as written out by Haag. I hereby express my warmest thanks.
A few ethnological notes, appearing as footnotes, are added as an aid to the comprehension of the text. These are not exhaustive and are confined for the most part to published Cheyenne sources. Inci- dentally they bear witness to the authenticity of the narrative.
NARRATIVE
My mother is 80 years old and is still living in apparently good health. If my father were living he would be about 85 years old. I do not remember in what year he died. My father’s sister is also dead. She died when she was 102 years old. This aunt of mine was the person who instructed me in all the ways of courtship.’
I want to mention an incident that was later told me by my mother. She said that I was taught to ride horseback alone when I was 4 years old. Of course, I do not remember this.
Whenever they moved camp I was tied onto the saddle. One day, they say, I, or rather the pony, was lagging behind. My saddle girth became loose, and I and the saddle were under the horse’s belly. Luckily the pony was very gentle.
When I became an older girl I was rather expert in riding horse- back. This was my greatest sport. I even rode untamed ponies. Of course, sometimes I was thrown off by ponies who bucked very badly.
Ever since I can remember I had a bed of my own in my parents’ tipi.” This bed consisted of willow head and foot uprights.* My own bags were placed against the wall of the tipi. The wall of the bed also included buffalo hides.“ My pillows were decorated with porcupine
*T do not know whether or not instruction in courtship, etc., given by a pater- nal aunt to her niece is institutional.
* The beds ranged around the walls of a Cheyenne tipi: see Grinnell, George Bird. The Cheyenne Indians, vol. 1, p. 225. New Haven, 1923.
* Compare Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, pp. 242, 243, vol. 2, p. 365.
*See Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 225.
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 87, No. 5
2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
quills.” My bed was always placed farthest from the door of the tipi, a place of honor.’
My mother taught me everything connected with the tipi, such as cooking and tanning hides for different purposes. The first pair of moccasins I made were for my father. “‘ You are very good in mak- ing moccasins,” he said with a smile, “they are very nice.” This encouraged me greatly.
My mother would show me how to twist the sinews, and how to cut the soles and uppers of the moccasins for different sizes. I became very competent in this work at an early age. I used to make moc- casins for other children, beaded as well as plain ones. I was always well rewarded for my work by the parents of the children.
Whenever we moved camp I always managed to catch my own riding pony, and to pack my personal belongings on another pony which was used for that purpose only.
My mother would always tell me that the main purpose of her teaching me, as well as the object of my owning my own bed, was to keep me at home, and to keep me from being away to spend my nights with my girl chum. This was done so that there would be no chance for gossip by other people.
My parents were very proud of me. In fact they treated me as if I were a male member of the family. They took the greatest pains to have me well dressed. Even my saddle was decorated. I also owned an elk-tooth dress.” This was afforded by only a very few. And it was by no means considered obtained by luck, but by years of hard hunting.
One day when we were moving, my mother taught me how to put a pack on the pony. This was a new pony unaccustomed to being packed. I noticed it would not stand still. When we turned it loose with the other pack animals it ran away and caused much excitement.
Apart from the regular training my mother gave me, she made for me the paraphernalia of the deer-hoof bone game, which are strung and looped at the end of a string.* The game is played by girls; and after maturity young men and young women participate in the game, sitting in alternate places. I was rather an expert in this game. I was always placed near the door. This was because I was a good player. In the alternate positions the young men were recognized as sweethearts whether they actually were or not.
* For pillows decorated with porcupine quills see Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 186.
* See Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 73.
* See Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 224.
* See Culin, Stewart, Games of the North American Indians, 24th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pp. 527 et seq., and 520-533, 1907.
|
NO. 5 NARRATIVE OF A CHEYENNE WOMAN—MICHELSON 3
In my girlhood days we girls played what we called “ tiny play.” This play imitated the customs and ways of the grown-up people. Our mothers made rag dolls of women, men, boys, girls, and babies. We used forked sticks to represent ponies, and we mounted the tiny people on the fork of the sticks, pretending to move camp. Sometimes a baby would be born; or, a marriage would take place—in fact any- thing that we knew about older people. In this play we did not allow any boys to play with us girls. We had rag dolls to represent boys.
After a time as I became a little older we played what we called “large play.” * This play consisted of real people, namely, boys and girls. The boys would go out hunting (really, go to their tipis) and bring meat and other food. We girls would pitch our tipis and make ready everything as if it were a real camp life. Some of the boys would go on the warpath, and always came home victorious. They would relate their war experiences, telling how successful they were, especially with the Pawnee (Wolf Men). We girls would sing war songs to acknowledge the bravery of our heroes. Of course, we would have marriage feasts, dances, etc. Sometimes we had the Sun Dance.’ In this play we did not use real food, but baked mud bread and used leaves for dishes. The pledger and the woman were there. We would have our children’s ears pierced * and gave away horses. Some of the boys would have their breasts pierced with cactus thorns, others dragged buffalo skulls (which were really chunks of dead wood). Sometimes the older boys would come. When we saw them we al- ways stopped and scattered. My aunt told me not to play with young men.
At one time—I remember the incident well—while we were play- ing with boys some young men came upon us. One of them took after me and seized the sleeve of my dress and tore it off. I surely was frightened, not that I feared bodily injury, but because I thought, “Here is a young man trying to bestow his manly attentions on me.” It all seemed so strange and bewildering to me. Eventually this young man would come and see me, to court me.* At first I was very much
*For a similar game among the Crow see Lowie, R., The material culture of the Crow Indians, Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 21, pt. 3, p. 249, 1922.
* On the Cheyenne Sun Dance see. Dorsey, G. A., The Cheyenne, II. The Sun Dance, Field Columbian Mus. Pub. 103, Anthrop. Ser., vol. 9, no. 2, 1905; Grin- nell, loc. cit., vol. 2, pp. 211 et seq.; Petter, R., English-Cheyenne Dictionary, article “Sun Dance,” pp. 1028-1030, Kettle Falls, Wash., 1913-1015.
* For ear-piercing see Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. I, pp. 61, 62, 105-107, 149; vol. 2, p. 276; Petter, loc. cit., p. 181 (article “bred’’).
* According to Grinnell the modern Cheyenne courtship is like that of the Sioux; see loc. cit., vol. I, pp. 131 et seq.
4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
afraid to venture outside after dark. I would always ask my mother to accompany me before I would go out. My mother furnished me rawhide twine and a piece of hide to use as a diaper which was se- curely tied around my hips and pudendum. This was done to preserve my virtue against the attacks of an overanxious young man.’
My aunt (father’s sister) had heard that a certain young man had begun to look upon me seriously. She came over and began to tell me what to say and how to act in the presence of this young man. She said:
I hear you are beginning to have admirers. Your father and mother have reared you with great care. Your father especially has seen to it that you have had good things to wear such as other girls of your age do not have. And your mother has taught you with great patience the art of things that each woman is supposed to know so that she might make a good and successful wife. As you go through life all these things and what I am now telling you will be of great benefit to you. You will be in a position to teach your children if you have any. It is silly to exchange too many glances and smiles with this young man, especially in the presence of people. He will think you are too easy and immoral. When he comes to see you at night you must never run away from him. If you do so this indicates that you are silly and not sufficiently taught and educated to respect the attentions of a suitor. You must never consent to marry your suitor the first time he asks you to marry him, no matter how good looking he may be. Tell him you would like to associate with him for some time yet to come. And if he really thinks anything of you he will not be discouraged, but will continue his visits and come to see you. When he comes at night do not let him stay too long, but ask him please to go. If you let him stay till he is ready to go he will think you are in love with him and will surely think less of you. You must always be sure to take great care to tie the hide under your dress, covering your pudendum, with strong raw hide string. You must remem-
* Compare Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 131. Though not exploited by modern ethnologists “ roping’ was common enough among Indians of the Great Plains; for the Sioux see Beckwith, M. W., Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, 43, p. 361, foot- note 2; for the Assiniboin see Denig, 46th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 590; for the Arapaho, cf. Vestal, S., Kit Carson, p. 122; for the Cheyenne and Arapaho see also Dodge, Col. R. I., Our Wild Indians, pp. 195, 196, 203, 212, 213. For the benefit of those who are not specialists I am constrained to say that Colonel Dodge’s book can be used only with discrimination. I pass over such absurdities as the statement (p. 204) that an unmarried girl is never sent out to cut and bring wood, etc., for these are easily controlled by general factual knowledge as well as numerous documentary sources of information. Much more subtle than this are various statements regarding sex mores which are scattered throughout the book. The trained ethnologist will see that they are incompatible (see for example, pp. 195, 196, 203, 208, 211, 213 as opposed to pp. 210, 213) ; the casual reader will not. It is largely owing to the uncritical use of such sources that the main thesis of Briffault’s The Mothers cannot be sustained. I lay stress on this because zoologists will pounce upon this work to bolster their own theories regarding human social origins (see now Miller, G. S., jr., The primate basis of human behavior, Quart. Rev. Biol., vol. 6, pp. 379-410).
“ce
NO. 5 NARRATIVE OF A CHEYENNE WOMAN—MICHELSON
Cn
ber that when a man touches your breasts and vulva he considers that you belong to him. And in the event that he does not care to marry you he will not hide what he has done to you, and you will be considered immoral. And you will not have a chance to marry into a good family. In short, you will not be purchased, which is surely the ambition of all young women.” What I mean by marrying into a good family is that the young man’s people are not liars, thieves, or lazy, nor have they committed any offensive crime. If you allow the young man to take advantage of you willingly he will make jokes and sing songs with words about you. The people will know and we will be embarrassed and ashamed, especially since you have been brought up and taught in a good way. You must also bear in mind that there will be other young men who will come to see you. They will want to find out if you will succomb easily. If they are serious and approach the subject of marriage, turn them off by saying something nice about the young man who had been seeing you previously. In any case, you must never say anything bad or call any one names, nor remark on their looks or on the poverty of their people. The old saying is, “ The birds of the air fly up above but are caught some day.” * If you say bad things or call one bad names, the one insulted will crawl into the tipi and fondle you while you are asleep; * and he will boast of knowing you. It will also be considered that the man is then your husband. Your denial will not help you. You will be placed at the mercy of gossipers.
After I had reached the age of young womanhood, I was not single very much longer. One afternoon I was visiting my girl chum. When I came home that evening there were a number of old men in my father’s tipi; I also noticed much fresh meat. I asked my mother
‘For touching the breasts compare for the Crow, Lowie, R., The Sun Dance of the Crow Indians, Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 16, p. 42, 1915; for the Thompson Indians, Teit, J., The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthrop., vol. 1, Jesup N. Race Exe vol. I, pt. 4, pp. 323, 324, 1900; for the Lillooet, Teit, J., The Lillooet Indians, Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthrop., vol. 3, Jesup N. Pac. Exp., vol. 2, pt. 5, p. 268, 1906; for the Shuswap, Teit, J., ibid., pt. 7, p. 501, 1909; for the feeling of ownership after touching the vulva, I have abundant confirmatory statements from various Cheyenne informants ; see also Beckwith, loc. cit.; cf. also Czaplicka, M. A., Aboriginal Siberia, Oxford, pp. 84, 87, 1014.
* Compare also Lowie, R., Primitive society, New York, 1920; Dorsey, J2iOF Siouan sociology, 15th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 242, 1897, quotes Matthew to the effect that among the Hidatsa the woman is not merely sold to the highest bidder. Among the Fox Indians of today the exchange of goods is the important point; it is not purchase.
* As is known, proverbs, charades, the story within the story, the riddle, ani- mal tales of the type of ‘“‘ The Fox and the Crow” are either unknown or very rare in aboriginal America.
4A similar trick was done among the Crow Indians; but the guilty man thereby was automatically barred from leadership in the white clay expedition of the Sun Dance. See Lowie, R., Social life of the Crow Indians, Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 221, 1912; The Sun Dance of the Crow Indians, ibid., p. 42. For the same trick among the Sioux, See Beckwith, loc. cit.
6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
what it was all about, and what those old men were here for. She said, ““ My daughter, these men are here to deliver a message, asking the consent of your father that you marry a male of their family.’ And I want to tell you that your father has consented. However, he will speak to you later.’’ My father said to me, “ My daughter, these men have come here to ask my consent to your marriage. Five horses and other things will be sent over in the morning. I have consented. Now I myself want to hear what you think.” I made no reply. I was frightened. But at any rate the horses were brought over the next morning. My male relatives were called to select their horses, but before doing that they called me in and asked me what I thought. My paternal uncle started to talk to me saying how well my parents had brought me up, and stated that marriage by purchase was con- sidered one of the greatest and happiest events in one’s life.” He said, “T know that this is your father’s desire. As you can see, he is get- ting on in years. His eyesight is not very good. This young man will look after the necessary work for your father. However, we do not wish to do anything against your will. Now, let us hear from you.” I then said to them, “‘ Since my father has consented to the offer of marriage by purchase, I also agree to the proposed marriage. I love my father, and whatever he deems best for me, that I will do. I can- not refuse my father’s wishes for those reasons.” * They were all glad to hear me, showing it by their sincere approval.
They then proceeded to select their own horses, one at a time. They were all good saddle horses. They in turn gave their own horses. My people saddled one of the horses on which I rode over to my future husband’s people, leading the four other horses. My future husband’s women folk met me near their camps and I dismounted. They carried me on the blanket the rest of the way, and let me down at the entrance of my future husband’s tipi. I walked in and sat be- side him. This young man was no sweetheart of mine; he was a stranger to me: he never had come to see me when I was still single. I wondered if I would learn to love him in the future. After some little time the women brought in many shawls, dresses, rings, brace- lets, leggings, and moccasins. They then had me change clothes. They braided my hair* and painted my face with red dots on my cheeks. When I was completely arrayed in my marriage clothes I was told
*On Cheyenne marriage see Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, pp. 137 et seq.
* See footnote 2, on page 5.
“If Grinnell is right, this reply is not institutional but personal. From my own field-work among the Plains Cree, I can vouch that there at least the girl has the final say.
*For the braiding of the hair of Cheyenne females see Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, Pp. 59, 60.
NO. 5 NARRATIVE OF A CHEYENNE WOMAN—MICHELSON 7 to return to my people. My husband’s women folk carried the bal- ance of my clothing to my tipi. In the meantime my mother and aunt had prepared a large feast. Towards evening my own tipi was erected. The cryer called in a loud voice inviting all my husband’s relatives, naming my husband as the host. My husband came over with his male relatives. While there they told jokes, and some related their war exploits; still others narrated funny things that had hap- pened to them in the earlier days.
After I was married I thought I would have more freedom in going around with my girl friends, but my mother watched me more closely and kept me near my husband, day and night. This was done to pre- vent any gossip from my husband’s people.
A year or so before I married we played games. In the fall of the year we played “ kick ball.” * This is played by kicking and counting the number of times the ball is kicked with one foot with the ball not touching the ground. Some girls could keep the ball in the air with a tally of 50 or 60. We had tally sticks to keep count, 150 of them. The side that won took the ball. The losers ran away from the winners who chased the losers all about the camp, pounding them on the back with the ball. This created merriment and excitement. Even those who did not participate in the “ kick ball” game were tagged and became “it.” A person tagged before could not become “it.” The losers were supposed to give food to the winners, and so the game ended.
There was another game played by us young women on the frozen lake or river. We had dart sticks 10 or 12 feet long, smooth and straight. In one end of the dart sticks was the tip of a buffalo horn, about 4 inches long. The dart stick was thrown with great force on the ice and it slid a great distance.” This was a sort of gambling game. We bet our ear rings, finger rings, bracelets, hair-braid ties, and other things.
In the spring of the year we played skinny, using clubs to drive the ball. There were 20 to 40 players on each side.*
With the approach of summer our attention was directed to horse- back riding. Even after I was married my husband and I would travel on horseback. It was a long time before we had a wagon.
*See Culin, loc. cit., p. 706; Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, pp. 330 et seq. ; Petter, PRLOCN Cite POs.
2 See Culin, loc. cit., pp. 399, 400, 401; Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, pp. 334, 335; Petter, loc. cit., p. 830.
® See Culin, loc. cit., p. 620; Petter, loc. cit., p. 828.
8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 8&7
My parents continued to care for us.. My mother did all the cook- ing, but my husband’s meals were always taken to our own tipi. This was for me to do. My mother and my husband were not allowed in the same tipi at the same time.” My mother took especial care that my husband received the best portion of food. My husband’s duty was to look after the horses and do all the work that was required of a man.
We had our first child after we had been married a year. It was at this time that I began really to love my husband. He always treated me with respect and kindness. We had eight children before he died. The first decorated tipi I made was after I had had my fourth child.’ Of course when I was a girl my mother permitted me to look on when
? Matrilocal residence is attested for the Cheyenne by both Grinnell (loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 91) and Mooney (with the qualification “not always”; see his The Cheyenne Indians, Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc., vol. I, pt. 6, pp. 410, 411, 1907). It is confirmed by my own field-work. Matrilocal residence is a very different thing from exogamy with female descent. This last is claimed for the Cheyenne by Grinnell: see his Social Organization of the Cheyennes, Proc. Internat. Cong. Americanists for 1902, pp. 135-146, New York, 1905; The Cheyenne Indians, vol. 1, pp. 90 et seq., New Haven, 1923: per contra see Clark, W. P., The Indian sign language, p. 2290, Philadelphia, 1885 [ Mooney’s reference to p. 235 also, is due to some error]; Mooney, J., The Ghost Dance religion, 14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 956, 1806; Mooney, J., Kiowa calendar, 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 227, 1808; Mooney, J., The Cheyenne Indians, Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc., vol. 1, pt. 6. pp. 408-410, 1907. I do not think it can be said that Grinnell has successfully contested Mooney’s strictures. My own field-work among the Cheyenne (beginning in 1911) confirms Mooney’s position by state- ments of informants and genealogies. I wonder if Grinnell’s informants may not have had Crow blood and thus given a wrong impression, for the Crow are organized in exogamic groups with female descent. In justice to Grinnell it should be noted that he expressly states that “evidence of a clan system is not conclusive.”
* For other courtesies shown by a Cheyenne mother-in-law to her son-in-law, see Grinnell, The Cheyenne Indians, vol. 1, pp. 146, 147, New Haven, 1923.
* Though this particular avoidance is only implied by Grinnell, loc. cit. vol. I, p. 147, there is no doubt that it was institutional among the Cheyenne; the same thing occurs among the Assiniboin, Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, and prob- ably elsewhere: see E. T. Denig, Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri, 46th Ann.. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 511, 1930; Kroeber, A., Ethnology of the Gros Ventre, Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 1, pt. 4, p. 180, 1908; Wissler, C., The social life of the Blackfoot Indians, Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat: Hist. voli7, pts 1, pp: 12) 13; Tor:
*Four is the “holy” number among the Cheyenne. See Dorsey, G. A., The Cheyenne, I, Ceremonial organization, Field Columbian Mus. Publ. 99, Anthrop. Ser:, vol: 0; no. I, pp. 1; 3) 5)) 7,10; 11, 12, 16, 10, 20, 23° 28,32" 23mou5- Lieeihe Sun Dance, Field Columbian Mus. Publ. 103, Anthrop. Ser., vol. 9, no. 2, pp. 60, 63, 91, 96, 99, 100, 144, 150, etc., 1905; Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 2, pp. 197, 205, 214, 227, 228, 220, 236, 237, 245, 251, 257, 288, 280, 201, 292, 297, 321, etc.; Mooney,
NO. 5 NARRATIVE OF A CHEYENNE WOMAN—MICHELSON 9
she made decorated tipis. There is a rather long ceremony in connec- tion with the making of tipis. I became a member of the “ Tipi Deco- rators,” which is composed of women only.’ I was very carefully instructed never to disclose the ceremony in the presence of males. So I shall be obliged to discontinue the subject.
My husband’s health became broken. We summoned many Indian doctors, and gave away much personal wearing apparel, and also some ponies. One day when we were alone he pledged a Sacrifice Offering. This ceremony is a sacred ritual which is regarded as a prayer to the spirits for strength and health. When he made the pledge this in- cluded me, for the rule requires that a wife must be included. But sad to say, he passed away before we could carry out the pledge.
Four of my younger children also died later. It was a good thing for me that my father and mother were still living. I did not really have a hard time to support my children.
I surely loved my husband. His death made me very lonely, and it was a terrible event in my life. Apparently I missed him more than I did my children who died afterward. My hair was cut off just be- low my ears.’ This was done by an old woman who had obtained the authority by participating in one or more sacred ritualistic ceremonies previously. Before cutting off my braids she first raised both her hands towards the sky, touched the earth with the palms of her hands, laid her hands on my head, and made a downward motion, repeating the motion four times. Thus my braids were cut off in accordance with the belief that the spirits would be pleased and extend blessings and sympathy to the bereaved. The old woman who cut my hair was given a blanket and a dress.
The death of my husband marked the passing of our tipi, includ- ing all the contents. If people do not come and carry away something, the whole tipi is destroyed by fire.”
J., The Cheyenne Indians, Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc., vol. 1, pt. 6, p. 411, 1907. It is extremely common among North American Indians, but Mooney’s gen- eralization is too sweeping; see for example, Lowie, R., Primitive religion, p. 284, New York, 1924.
This note applies to all the references to the number four in the following pages.
1See Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, pp. 159 et seq., for female societies among the Cheyenne; also Petter, loc. cit., article “bead,” pp. 97, 98.
* Compare Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 161. The same thing occurs elsewhere, e.g., among the Arapaho, Gros Ventre, and Blackfoot: see Kroeber, A., The Arapaho, Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 18, pt. 1, p. 16, 1902; Kroeber A., Ethnology of the Gros Ventre, Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 1, pt. 4, p. 181, 1908; Wissler, C., The social life of the Blackfoot Indians, Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol.7, pts: ps 3t, Lor:
? See also Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 162.
IO SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
After two years I heard that a man had pledged a Sacrifice Offer- ing.’ My father and mother immediately advised me to go and see this man in order to be permitted to fulfill my deceased husband’s pledge. My father said the pledge could not be set aside and neglected any longer, in spite of what had happened in the past.” So I went to see this man and his wife. They readily agreed to my request. They told me to be ready soon thereafter. They said they had everything that was needed in connection with the ceremony and that I need not worry about these things. They also said he had taken the sacred pipe to the priest to teach and lead them. This pleased me greatly as I had nothing to do now, and only waited to be notified when all was ready. The day before the ceremony proper green timbers were brought from the forest in order to have them in readiness for the following day. The day the timber is brought in the tipi is erected, that is, in the evening.
The ritualistic ceremony itself begins early the next day. The pledgers are required to dress in their best clothing. The clothing thus worn becomes the property of the painters. The first thing the priest does is to prepare the Sacrifice Offering cloth. Though other things can be used, such as black, white, red solid-colored or striped cloth-—— and gray eagle also—we used a striped cloth which the priest tied to a long stick. This is, of course, inside of the tipi. After this the priest smokes the medicine pipe and points the mouthpiece of the pipe to the four directions of the earth and towards the skies. The pipe is then passed to the left. The first person on the left of the priest smokes it, and so on, down to the doorway. The pipe is then passed backward without being smoked and is passed to the right of the priest until it reaches the last person near the doorway. This person smokes it, then the next person on his left, and so on until the pipe again reaches the priest. He then empties the bowl of the pipe. The pipe is then put away. The priest instructs the pledgers how to raise and point the stick to the proper directions when they go out. They then go outside. The person in the lead takes the stick and cloth. The priest begins to pray, and then sings medicine songs. At the end of each song he tells those outside to point the stick south- east, then southwest, then northwest, then northeast, and then straight
* Though this particular ceremony apparently is absent from published works on the Cheyenne, it is abundantly clear that the elements which compose it are simply old Cheyenne material recombined in slightly varying ways. The annota- tions will bring this out more clearly. Years ago I demonstrated the same thing for Fox gens festivals.
* The nonfulfillment of a pledge was fraught with supernatural disaster; compare Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 105.
WO. 5 NARRATIVE OF A CHEYENNE WOMAN—MICHELSON tet
towards the sky. Anyone may then take the cloth and touch one’s body all over with it, thereby receiving a blessing from the spirits.
They then reenter the tipi. The ground is then broken by making dents in the earth four times, in the same manner as the pointing previously. The ground is made very smooth, and a hole is made for a fireplace in the center. Clean white sand is then laid on this clearing, representing the sky.’ The coals of fire are scattered here and there, representing stars. There are four holy places on the sand, the home of the spirits ; and the holes are made in the same sequence of directions as given above. The path from the entrance into the tipi is marked with powdered coals towards the fireplace. A full moon * is between the fireplace and the entrance. Beyond the fireplace is the crescent moon.’ These moons are made of black powdered coals. There are four buffalo chips * placed in front of the priest. The medicine bags are placed on top of the buffalo chips before they are untied and opened. Before they are opened the priest spits medicine on one’s hands four times, and passing motions are made, first using the right hand by making a drawing motion on the right leg, then the left hand on the right arm, next the right hand on the left arm, then the left hand on the right leg; and both hands backwards over the head.” This is required for old people. Young women are required to make a downward motion in front of their bodies, indicating an easy child-birth.
The pledgers are stripped of their clothing. The painters paint their bodies red; but in the case of women their arms and legs are painted, but not their bodies, and their faces are painted red with black circles all over; others have the paint represent the ground, namely, four black specks on the face and middle of the nose. When the painting is done, coals of fire are taken from the fireplace. Pinches of medicine are placed on fire which is in front of each per- son. Motion is made with both hands towards the smoke, and in- halation takes place. During the performance the priest sings medi- cine songs, one song for each performance. When all is done the pipe is pointed * to the four directions without being lit, and after it
e
*For the ceremonial use of sand compare Dorsey, G. A., loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 65; Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 261.
* For the ceremonial use of a full moon compare Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 106.
*For the ceremonial use of the crescent moon compare Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. I, p. 193; vol. 2, pp. 24, 270.
*For the ceremonial use of buffalo chips compare Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, PP RO ele VOle2 Np 1osG2375 57.) 245°) CLG:
*The ceremonial motions described by Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 160, are nearly the same.
*For pointing the pipe, compare Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 270.
12 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
is lit it is again pointed to the four directions. After the pipe is emptied the priest calls the pledger to come before him. The priest holds the pipe in his right hand; he spits on the outstretched right hand. The pledger then grasps the stem of the pipe held by the priest with the bowl towards the ground. The pledger clasps the hand of the priest, and both hold the stem of the pipe. The pledger gently pulls the pipe towards himself four times. The fourth time the priest lets go. The pledger takes the pipe, first placing it on his right breast, then on the left, then right, then left; he hands the pipe back to the priest. He makes drawing motions over his limbs as before, and then proceeds to touch the holy ground exactly as with the drawing motions. After this, all may touch the holy ground. This terminates the ceremony in the tipi.
All this time the Sacrifice Offering cloth and the stick leaned against the breast of the tipi, and green timbers leaned against the back of the tipi. The women now take charge of the timbers, and proceed to build a sweat lodge.” The first two timbers are planted on the east and the two on the west; these sets are about 2 feet apart. Then the remaining timbers, about 13, are put in the ground, forming a circle about 8 feet in circumference. This will accommodate about 15 persons. A round hole is made in the center of the sweat lodge. This is a place for hot stones; it is about 2 feet in circumference and 1 foot deep. The dirt taken from the excavation is placed about 20 feet towards the east of the entrance, and is made into a smail mound.” This mound and the sweat lodge are connected by a trail. Then a young cottonwood tree * is placed in the ground in an upright position near, but east of, the mound. A buffalo skull * is then placed against the mound; it is on the west slope *° and faces the sweat lodge. The skull is painted with black and red paint: the horns are black- ened, and the region around the nose is painted red; a ves streak _ runs from the back of the head to the tip of the nose.”
* See especially Petter, loc. cit., article “sweat lodge”; for the use of sweat lodges in religious ceremonies see also Lowie, Primitive religion, p. 195, New York, 1924.
* Compare Grinnell, loc cit., vol. 2, p. 103.
*For the ceremonial use of cottonwood trees, see Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 1, P. 95; vol. 2, pp. 229-232, 250, 287.
*For the use of a buffalo skull in combination with a sweat lodge, see Grin- nell, loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 103.
°For the localization of the. buffalo skull on the west slope, compare Grinnell, loc. cit; vol:)2)" ps 204:
° The buffalo skull is painted nearly as in the Sun Dance; compare Dorsey, G. A., loc. cit., vol. 2, pp. 96, 97; in part compare Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 33.
NO. 5 NARRATIVE OF A CHEYENNE WOMAN—MICHELSON 13
The wife of the pledger carries the skull from the tipi to the mound.’ She carries it in a stooping position, very carefully and slowly. Five stones are then selected. Two are painted black, a third is not painted, the last two are also painted black. After this they are not handled with the hands, but are put in place with forked sticks between the mound and the sweat lodge, a little to the south of the trail. Motions are made with the hands four times towards the stones before the stones are forked. These stones are placed in the same manner as the holy places within the tipi but are closer together, the fifth stone being in the center. The dried wood and other stones are then placed without any ceremony. However, before fire is added to the heap, the heap is touched four times with a fork in the same man- ner as the stones. In the meanwhile the women cover the hut with heavy canvas. Blankets, fine clothing, and other things are placed on top of the canvas. These become the property of the priest and his helpers (who are the painters). The property is divided according to what the priest and his helpers gave when they were pledgers. If one or more horses are given away, the ceremony is conducted in the day- time. If not, it is conducted at night.
The priest and pledger enter the sweat lodge with the paint still on them and go over the ceremony as in the tipi, except that they remove the paints put on by the painters, using sage *; water is drunk, and their bodies are washed. When the hot stones are brought in, two are brought in first, then one, then two. They then are placed in the same order as they were before they were heated. The remain- ing stones are then brought in. The sweat bath now begins. The priest utters a prayer and sings songs. The doorflap is raised; also the rear is raised, thus airing the bather. This is done four times, and each period lasts about 20 minutes. When this is over we all go back into the tipi, when our relatives bring in all kinds of food for us to eat. Before we eat, bits of food are placed on the holy ground and drawing motions on the body are performed. We then proceed to eat. The sacred medicine bag is in a crescent shape’*; it is made out of raw hide. The inner bag is an entire prairie dog skin which contains the sacred herbs.
*For the pledger’s wife carrying the buffalo skull, see Dorsey, G. A., loc. cit., vol. 2, pp. 107, 108; Grinnell, loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 291.
* The use of sage for ceremonial purposes is common enough. See Dorsey, iG A. loc: cit:, vol. 2) p. 150; Grinnell, loc. cit, vol. 2, p: 423.
* See footnote 3, on page II.
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| SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS eee ‘ VOLUME 87, NUMBER 6
~ COMPOSITION OF THE CADDOAN LINGUISTIC STOCK
: cer BY: _. ALEXANDER LESSER and GENE WELTFISH A New York, ING. eee 3 sf er ae C{HSONIAN INSTITT SA MAY 14 1932 ae FICE LIBRARY 4 (PUBLICATION 3141) Ree 14) CITY OF WASHINGTON eee _ PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION MAY 14, 1932
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLUME 87, NUMBER 6
COMPOSITION OF THE CADDOAN LINGUISTIC STOCK
BY ALEXANDER LESSER and GENE WELTFISH New York, N. Y.
(PuBLICATION 3141)
CITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION MAY 14, 1932
The Lord Baltimore Press
BALTIMORE, MD., U. 8S. A.
COMPOSITION OF THE CADDOAN LINGUISTIC STOCK'
By ALEXANDER LESSER anp GENE WELTFISH New York, N. Y.
CLASSIFICATION
The Caddoan linguistic stock, named after the language of the Caddo, is composed of four major languages, Pawnee, Wichita, Kitsai,? and Caddo. Of these, the Kitsai had never developed dialectic differentiation; the Wichita and Caddo probably each in- cluded several dialects, but as at present spoken are known only in one form; and the Pawnee today occurs in three dialects. On the basis of present knowledge, the broad relationships of the four languages can be indicated as follows: Pawnee, Wichita, and Kitsai are, in relation to each other, about equally divergent, save that Kitsai in phonetic structure and some forms is probably closer to Pawnee than Wichita is to Pawnee. All three, however, are mu- tually unintelligible. Caddo is the most divergent of the four languages. The general interrelationships of these languages and their dialects can be summarized by the following table:’
‘Based on field research for the Committee on American Indian Languages.
? The authors have preferred this spelling of Kichai. Kitsai approximates more closely the phonetic character of the native name.
*In the transcription of native names and words of this treatment, the authors have followed the recommendations embodied in Phonetic Transcription of Indian Languages, Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 66, no. 6, September, 1916. Briefly summarized, the characteristics represented are as follows:
Consonants:
b, m, n, h, and y have their usual values.
p, t, and k (except in Caddo) are intermediates, neither quite sonant nor quite surd. Pawnee final t is nasalized, indicated by superior n (t"). Caddo t is surd d sonant; Caddo k is, however, intermediate.
s is throughout surd, somewhat more sibilant than English s.
c is the usual sound of sh in English show.
x closely approximates the ch of German ich.
r in Pawnee and Arikara is a single trilled r made with the tip of the tongue on the alveolar ridge (see also Boas, Handbook of American Indian Languages, Bull. 40, Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pt. 1, p. 17, 1911); in Kitsai and Wichita where a distinct n occurs, the r more nearly approximates the English r, but it is never made as far back in the mouth or trilled as strongly. Caddo r is more strongly trilled.
The affricative ts is intermediate where t is intermediate. In Caddo it is surd.
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 87, No. 6
SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
LS)
I. Pawnee, Kitsai, and Wichita. A. Pawnee: a) South Band Pawnee (or Pawnee proper) ; spoken by: pi’ tahawfra’t® tsawi"”! kitkahaxki* b) Skiri! Pawnee c) Arikara B. Kitsai: tikitse’s band of the Wichita. C. Wichita: a) Wichita proper, spoken by: toka’ne isI's tiwa’ ita’ kerikuri’s akwi'ts b) Probably dialectically divergent: tawakartw‘ wéku’ I Gaddo: a) Caddo proper; spoken by: nada’rko nacidéc ya’t‘as nak ‘ohodo'’ tsi ha ie” | kayamaici kado‘adatc’¥ b) Hainai; spoken by: hainai nabadaitcu ?c) ? Adai
'Skiri is used herein for Skidi. The d of earlier records is the Pawnee r; see the phonetic key above.
tc has its usual affricative character in Caddo, while in Arikara it is more inter- mediate. w is slightly more rounded than in English.
Vowels:
With a few exceptions, the symbols for vowels indicate the usual continental values as follows: a as in father; a (Greek alpha) as u in but; e asa in fate; e (Greek epsilon) as e in met; 7 as ee in feet; « (Greek iota) asiin hit; 0 aso in go; wu as oo in hoot. Exceptional is « in Pawnee, where in making the sound the lips are very
NO. 6 CADDOAN LINGUISTIC STOCK—-LESSER AND WELTFISH 3
SUBDIVISIONS PAWNEE
Of the three Pawnee dialects, that known as South Band Pawnee or Pawnee proper preserves the oldest forms of Pawnee. The dialect of the Skiri differs from the South Band Pawnee primarily in phonetics. Speeds, lengths, and tones differ between these dialects; but most important is the fact that the phonetic changes which have occurred have resulted in Skiri in the loss of a number of vowel and consonant distinctions that are found in South Band Pawnee. Asa result, what was already a meager phonetic system in Pawnee proper is still further reduced in Skiri.' While it may well be true that historically—as tradition claims—the Arikara dialect diverged from a root which was once common to Arikara and Skiri, nevertheless on the basis of a comparison of the three Pawnee dialects as spoken today, the Arikara divergences should be treated in relation to the Pawnee proper or South Band dialect, rather than in relation to the speech of the Skiri. The phonetic divergence of Arikara can be characterized in two ways: first, there are many shifts of vowels ‘and consonants, numbering many more than those which differentiate Pawnee proper and Skiri; and second, in Arikara enunciation whole syllables are lost to the ear through elision and whispering of the vowels. Today, South Band and Skiri dialects are almost fully mutually intelligible; older natives understand the speech of the other group but reply in their own, while among the young people there is a tendency to develop a mixed dialect which overrides the differentiation of the two. Skiri and Arikara gener- ally insist that they can understand one another, and some do; but
"Material on which these statements and those referring to the Arikara are based, as well as the details of the phonetic shifts, will be given in an analytic study of comparative text material.
wide, the aperture between them forming a very narrow slit; and e in Pawnee which does not have the usual diphthongal quality.
w (Greek omega) of Wichita is the aw of English law.
ai of Caddo is the diphthong of English height.
Diacritical marks:
The glottal catch (’) and the aspiration (‘) are used in the usual way. Stress accent is indicated by (’) after the syllable (a’). Vowel length is indicated by (°) after the vowel (a’); vowel shortness by (~) under the vowel (a). Pitch accents are (a) for high tone, (a) for middle high. Tone combinations occurring in Pawnee are: (4°) high to middle high, (a°) normal to middle high, (a*) middle high to normal, (a°) middle high to high.
Whispered or slightly articulated sounds are indicated as superior symbols (t°).
4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
for the most part, this seems due more to their control of a smat- tering of the other dialect than to any inherent possibilities of intelligibility, which are in fact slight because of the character of the phonetic changes which have taken place. Actually an Arikara was not able to understand a Skiri text, but was at once able to grasp the same text in South Band Pawnee and translate or trans- pose it into Arikara. There is still current among the Pawnee a tradition that the Kawara‘kis group of the Pi'tahawira’t* spoke like the Arikara. It is impossible at the present day to check this tradition, and it seems unlikely that it was true. The few sugges- tions of linguistic difference between Kawara’kis speech and Pawnee proper which can be obtained, point rather to earlier dialectic differences in the speech of the South Bands. Traditions support this view strongly, all South Band Pawnees of the older generations insisting that when the bands lived apart there were differences in their speech, which disappeared after they came to live together. Texts taken from the oldest living representatives of each band failed to show any vestige of such differences remaining today-
The Pawnees have no name for themselves which includes as a unity the four bands of Tskiri, Tsawi’’, Pi'tahawira't?, and Kitkahaxki*. These bands were known to themselves and to each other by their band names. The absence of a general tribal name reinforces other evidence for the fact that the four bands never formed an integrated tribal unity; in fact, they were in former times independent tribal groups. They often banded together for the buffalo hunt and other collective enterprises. But the Skiri, for example, were no more likely to join the three South Bands for a buffalo hunt in the early nineteenth century, than they were to join the Omahas and Poncas. This fact of the essential political independence of each of the bands is too often overlooked, in part because the United States Government has for long dealt with all the Pawnees as one group.
The words ‘‘chahiksichahiks’’ (tsahiksitsahiks), often quoted as the name of the Pawnees for themselves', has quite a different use. It is not a word for the Pawnees as distinguished from other Indians. tsahiks—is ‘‘person’’, ‘““human being”’, the generic word, as distinct from words for ‘‘man’’, ‘‘woman’’. In the combination the con- nective—i:—has prepositional value rendered somewhat by the translation ‘‘men of men”’ or ‘‘people of people’. This combination “men of men’’ implies ‘‘civilization’’ on the part of the persons
‘Fletcher, A. C., Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethnol. (cited hereafter as Handbook), pt. 2, p. 214, 1910.
No. 6 CADDOAN LINGUISTIC STOCK—LESSER AND WELTFISH 5
referred to. tsahiksti’', ‘he’s a man”, ‘“‘he’s really a human being’, implies the idea that a man’s ways are civilized, well-mannered, gentle. A wild, iIl-mannered, mean man would be called tsahiks- kaki’', ‘he’s not a human being’. Thus tsahiksétgahiks is applied by the Pawnees not alone to themselves but also to other Indian groups of their acquaintance whom they considered civilized, such as the Poncas and Omahas. In a general way it was also used for Indians as opposed to white men.!
The name Pawnee is one which was first applied to the Pawnees by white men. It seems unlikely for linguistic reasons that its use came from pari ku’, ‘‘horns’’, as suggested in the Handbook. Our informants claimed that it derived from paris’, “hunter”’ (Skiri dialect). They said that the first Pawnees to meet white men were on the hunt, and that when the white men asked, ‘“Who are you?” an Indian answered, ‘panhs! “s hunter’. In the light of this possible derivation, it is interesting to note that the spelling of Pawnee on the early maps is ‘‘yanis”’, and also that in more recent years several recorders have written Pawnee ‘“‘r’s”’ as ‘‘n’s’’ because of the peculiar phonetic character of the Pawnee “r’’. Clearly from “les panis’”’ a derived singular would be pani or Pawnee.’
The Skiri derive their name from the word for the wolf. In present day usage this is tskirexk®* (adding the diminutive), but it may well have been the shorter form earlier (tskiri). The Skiri were known to themselves and to other tribes as ‘‘wolves’.* Their war whoop was the cry of the wolf, and for deception on the warpath and in scouting they dressed as wolves, and signalled each other vocally with wolf cries.° In war dances where combat is dramatized the warriors act like wolves. A mythological background for this
‘This usage is also quoted from Hayden, Handbook, pt. De p20.
2 Handbook, pt. 2, p. 213.
3 Some years ago James R. Murie suggested to F. W. Hodge pares" as the origin of Pawnee, and told the same story about it. See Amer. Anthrop., 1. s., vol. 17, pp. 215-216, 1915. Apparently the story is a general Pawnee tradition.
* Dunbar, J., in Mag. Amer. Hist., vol. 4, p. 259, 1880, offers as explanation of the name Skiri the association of this group of Pawnees with the Loup (Wolf) River, which in turn was so called because of the abundance of wolves along the stream. Pawnees of today still recall that wolves were abundant along the Loup River in early days. It seems reasonable to believe that such a wolf-teeming habitat had an important influence on Skiri Pawnee cultural forms, and thus was indirectly responsible for the name.
> Grinnell, G. B., Pawnee hero stories and folk tales (cited hereafter as Grinnell), pp. 245-248, 1890, describes these methods of deception in some detail; the statements made herein are based on information from present-day infor- mants.
6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
conception is furnished by an incident in the story of Lightning’s visit to the earth carrying all people in a sack. The Wolf-Star, being jealous of the Evening-Star who has sent Lightning to the earth, sends a wolf to steal Lightning’s pack. When the people come out and observe the wolf’s strange behavior, they kill him, thus introducing death into the world. Lightning tells them to skin the wolf, and to keep its hide on their sacred bundle. He tells them also that wolves will multiply, and that they shall be known as Tskiri.!
While there was no name for the four Pawnee bands together, an old informant stated that in Nebraska the Skiri used to speak of the other three bands together as tuha’wit" (in South Band dialect the word is tuxra’wit") which means “‘village-east’’. This evidently refers to the position of these bands in relation to the Skiri. The orientation of the Pawnee bands in Nebraska according to present informants was schematically as follows:?
N Ww tskiri kitkahaxki* tsawi’’ pi tahawira‘t? E S
It is a matter of interest that contrary to the theoretical state- ments that the Pawnees always maintained the same orientations of the bands, the band locations in Oklahoma are about as follows:
. tskiri
W tsawi"’' E kitkahaxki* pi’ tahawira‘t* Ss
The three bands which spoke South Band dialect or Pawnee proper did not, however, have any name for themselves as a unit group. Nevertheless restrictions upon intermarriage between bands
‘Dorsey, G. A., Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee, Mem. Amer. Folklore Soc.’ vol. 8, pp. 17-18, 1904.
> Dunbar, op. cit., pp. 257-258, discusses the location of the bands as they were oriented to each other in 1834. While his statements are ambiguous, their most likely interpretation would make the band orientation agree with the statements of our informants. Dunbar also gives tu’-ra-wit-u, eastern villages, as the name applied by the Skiri to the other bands.
Fletcher, A. C., Handbook, pt. 2, p. 214, gives the relative positions exactly as we have recorded them. Grinnell, p. 218, also gives this order. Inasmuch as our records were secured independently from Pawnees who had moved to Okla- homa from Nebraska, and who knew the facts only from memory and tradition, they are important confirmation of the earlier statements.
NO. 6 CADDOAN LINGUISTIC STOCK——-LESSER AND WELTFISH a
broke down earlier among the three South Bands, and marriages were tolerated between tsawi’’' and pi'tahawira’t* at a time when they were still frowned upon between any one of the three bands and the tskiri, indicating a closer affiliation of the peoples of the South Bands.
The name pi‘tahawira‘t* can be analyzed as meaning ‘“‘man who
goes east’’: pi‘ta—‘‘man’’, hawira’t*—“‘goes east.’’ The latter is a combination derived from a'’wit"—“‘east’’ and ira't*—‘‘one who goes.”’!
According to the writings of James R. Murie,’ the pi'tahawira't* were formed of two villages: the pi'tahawira‘t* proper and the kawara’kis. Informants today state that while these two groups did not live apart, but formed one village, they did speak different dialects, as above noted, and also had independent bundles and ritual and ceremonial performances. The name kawara‘kis simply refers to the fact that these were the people who had or owned the kawara’* bundle, which seems to have been one of the most ancient bundles of the Pawnees, certainly the oldest of the pi'tahawira't* bundles. An indication of the conceived relationship of the two groups is given by the kinship terms which they used for each other. The kawara‘kis called the pi‘tahawira‘t* tsku’rus, ‘“‘in-law’’, while the pi'tahawira’t* replied rikurakatsku’rusu’, ‘“‘they are in-laws to us”:
kitkahaxki* means literally “little mud lodge’. “Ona hill’, the meaning given by Grinnell’, has no linguistic basis.
Murie speaks of four divisions of the kitkahaxkr:* “the kitka- haxki* proper, the little kitkahaxki*, the Black Heads, and the kariki‘su or ‘one who stands in the circle to recite the creation ritual’’’. A number of informants agree that there were not four divisions of the kitkahaxki* band. Informants state that there were two divisions, the kitkahaxki proper, called kitkahaxkist- rariksys* (rariksus", ‘“‘real’’), and the little kitkahaxki*, called
‘Grinnell, p. 216, gives ‘‘ ‘down the stream’, or east’’ as the meaning of this name. There are two usages for east in Pawnee, of which one means “‘outside through the entrance’, referring to the fact that the doorway of the Pawnee earth lodge is oriented toward the Morning Star and the rising sun, hence east- ward; while the second usage, a’wit as above, is related to the stem for floating, hence has a downstream connotation. As all rivers flowed eastward or south- eastward from the Pawnee villages in Nebraska, the word has come to be used for east.
* Murie, J. R., Ceremonies of the Pawnee. To be published by the Bureau of American Ethnology.
*Opxeit:, p. 216;
* Op. cit.; Grinnell, p. 241, speaks of three.
8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS voL. 87
kitkahaxkiripatski (kiripatski, ‘“‘small’’), and that the latter group split off from the main band not more than three generations ago under a self-made chief, Curly-Chief, téktesaxkaruxku. The camp of the kitkahaxkiripatski was set up southeast of the main village. The Black Heads (pakska'tit") was the name of a society; and the kariki‘su was the woman’s dance or ceremony before the planting of the corn. Between the kitkahaxki proper and the little kitka- haxki* old informants claim there was a slight dialectic difference of speech; but they lived together in one village and as far back as memory and tradition go, their bundles and ceremonies were merged or the same.
The tsawi’’' name, according to many Pawnee informants, has the reference ‘“‘beggars.’’’ This could not be established as a lin- guistic meaning; the closest similarity of the word seems to affiliate it with the stem for “‘doctoring’’. Nevertheless, we do not doubt that ‘“‘beggars”’ had a relevance which has been lost. People of the other bands claim that the tsawi’’‘ always came asking for meat, hence the name. Wissler, in a footnote to Murie,’ states: ‘“They are now known as tsawi’’' or Chaui, a band sprung from tsakita*ru— itsat, coon; wi’ part of band’’. This derivation, on close linguistic analysis, does not seem likely; itsat and akita‘'ru would combine into tsékita’ru in South Band dialect, but ftsat and wi'’' would combine into tsaxwi'’' not tsawi’’.
The Aritkara are called arikara’ru’, “horns” or ‘elk’, by the Pawnees, and they call the Pawnees awahu. As the term Arikara is a good Pawnee and Caddoan word, the linguistic derivation of which is clear, it seems unlikely that, as has been contended, the
name is not used by the Arikara for themselves.* The word means “elk’’.4
‘Grinnell, p. 216, gives “‘in the middle’ as the meaning of tsawi’’. He prob- ably derives this from a confusion of the name with the word tawe which means ““among”’.
Op.cit:
“Gilmore, M. R., The Arikara Book of Genesis, Pap. Michigan Acad. Sci., Arts, and Lett., vol. 12, p. 95, 1929.
* The Handbook, under the synonymy of Arikara, lists: ‘‘starrahe’’ from Brad- bury’s Travels in the Interior of America, and ‘‘star-rah-he’’ from Lewis and Clarke, the latter given by the explorers as the people’s own name. Phonetically this is a good Caddoan (Pawnee or Arikara) word (tstarahi), and its suggestive correspondence to the “‘harahey”’ ‘‘arahey”’ of Coronado’s expedition makes this a plausible alternative derivation of the Coronado name to awahi, the Wichita name for the Pawnees (see below). In the case of awahi, the possibility is that Wichitas spoke of Pawnees to the Spaniards, in that of ‘‘star-rah-he”’ that Turk or some other Pawnee told them about the Arikara.
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The word given by Gilmore! as the Arikara name for themselves, “Sanish” is saxnc, paralleling the South Band word tsaxriks, mean- ing ‘“‘person’’; and “‘san-sanish’’ is clearly the Arikara analogue of the Pawnee tsaxriksitsaxriks (tsahiksitsahiks) discussed above.
Awahu, the name used by the Arikaras for the Pawnees means ‘Yeft behind’’; it also occurs as the name of one of the Arikara villages.2 Traditionally it is said to reflect the movements of the peoples, the fact that the Arikaras moved on to the north in the Pawnee migrations and left the Pawnees behind.
While the Arikara spoke of the Pawnees as awahu, they also knew the bands by their individual names. These they rendered as follows: stci‘ri (tskiri);? wi'tthawira’*t (pi'tahawira’t*); titkthaxte (kitkahaxki) ; sawi'at (tsawi’”).
KITSAI
This Caddoan language is known only as the speech of one small tribe of that name. It was in recent historic times closely affliated with the Wichita peoples, and Wichitas will be found consistently to give the Wichita name for the Kitsai as one of the bands of the Wichita tribe, although all are aware of the difference in speech. In culture the Kitsai became so similar to Wichita that it is almost impossible today to find characteristics that differentiate them.
The Kitsai language is closely related to both Pawnee and Wichita. Comparisons of the three indicate that it is intermediate to the two others. Many of the Kitsai forms show a striking rela- tion to the Pawnee, while others bear as pronounced a resemblance to Wichita forms. Kitsai resemblances are clearest with South Band Pawnee, and comparison with that Pawnee dialect indicates that these two—South Band Pawnee or Pawnee proper and Kitsai— have been most conservative in retaining old Caddoan forms of the northern Caddoan languages—Pawnee, Kitsai, Wichita.
The Kitsai language is practically extinct today. Of six indi- viduals reputed to know it, one woman knows some simple vocabu- lary, another seems to understand but is never known to express herself in the language; one man who pretends to speak some Kitsai has its words and forms inextricably confused with a smattering of Pawnee (Wichita being his native speech). Thus only three can
"Op. cit:
?On Arikara village names see Gilmore, M. R., Notes on Arikara tribal organi- zation, Indian Nétes, vol. 4, no. 4, pp. 344-345, October, 1927.
* Tschihri, quoted in the Handbook, pt. 2, p. 216, from Maximilian as the Arikara name for the Pawnee, is clearly the Arikara version of tskiri, as here given.
IO SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
be said to know any Kitsai, and these habitually talk in Wichita and use no English at all. Of these the man can control Kitsai in its simple forms well; one woman who speaks Kitsai and Wichita is not linguistically gifted in either, and is rather subnormal in intelli- gence; while one woman, Kai Kai, is thoroughly bilingual in Wichita and Kitsai, with a genuine talent for clear thought in language, and it is from her that a knowledge of Kitsai has been obtained and preserved. It may be said that only while she lives is Kitsai still existent; and she is now past 83.
So far as the Kitsai are known to other Caddoans as a group distinct from the Wichita-speaking peoples, they are known by phonetic variants of their own name.’ The Wichita speak of the language as ki‘tse’s, while their own pronunciation is kitsias; their full name tikitsias. The Pawnees call them ki'tsas. Their own name is said by Kai Kai to mean ‘‘going in wet sand’’; while the Pawnees translate their version of it as ‘“‘water turtle.”’
The Kitsai designate the various groups of the Wichita by the regular Wichita band names, and the Pawnees as awahi, the same name as that used by the Wichita for the Pawnee.
WICHITA
The Wichita language is spoken by eight of the nine bands of the Wichita tribe, all bands save the tikitse’s or Kitsai. Today it con- sists of one dialect only, and there is no evidence in the speech as ‘used by different Wichitas of former subdivision or divergence. But by tradition, and some casually remembered words and expres- sions, it seems probable that at least two of the Wichita bands spoke Wichita that was dialectically divergent to a minor degree.
Information obtained and cross-checked with a number of infor- mants yielded the following list of former Wichita bands. It is probably as complete and accurate a list as can be secured at this late date: toka’ne, csi's, tiwa’, .ta’, kurikuri's, akwi'ts, tawakari™’, wéku’ (and tikitse’s). James Mooney’ lists nine bands, some of which are immediately identifiable with those above: thus k:tikitish (kerckurish) for kurikurfs; akwesh for akwi'ts; tawakoni (tawakarehu) for tawakart™'; and waco for wéku’. ‘‘kirishkitsu’’, although it is evidently intended for a Wichita-speaking group, may be an old Wichita name for the tikitse’s: in which case it is kik’1’skitsu, mean- ing ‘‘water turtles’, and forming an analogy to the meaning which
‘Unless “‘kirishkitsu’’, as mentioned below is the old Wichita name for the Kitsai. > Handbook, pt. 2, p. 947.
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is given by the Pawnee proper for the Kitsai name. ‘‘Tawehash’”’ may be a variant of tiwa’, possibly resulting from dialectic dif- ferences of pronunciation; the synonymy of the Handbook includes several Spanish variants, such as Teguayos, which seem to support this view.’ ‘“‘Yscani,’’ suggested by Mooney on the evidence of Bolton as possibly another name for the wéku’, an idea which is supported by the disappearance from historical records of the name Yscani at the time wéku’ makes its appearance, nevertheless accords too closely with toka’ne or csi’s or both taken together. Further the reason for the late appearance of wéku’ seems more probably as suggested below. Of Mooney’s names, we have no record of “kishkat”’ and “‘asidahetch’’. The words can however be recog- nized as good Caddoan. Of the names in the list above Mooney lacks any suggestion of vta’. One old informant suggested as an additional band name netekww’*kariks, ‘‘the laughing people’’, but others claimed this was the name of a village, not of a band.
Traditions and statements of informants today agree that the tawakari”’ and wéku’ (towaconi and waco) spoke somewhat dif- ferently from people of the Wichita bands, although mutual intel- ligibility is affirmed. Discussion of the speech of these two bands with contemporary Wichitas arouses.laughter, apparently because many of the turns of expression of the tawakart”‘ and wéku’ speech as grasped in Wichita phonetics have different meanings from those intended, and sound ludicrous. One or two expressions still re- called, though how accurately can not be determined, support this view, indicating a real dialectic difference which has been lost: a few others suggest as more probable difference of idiomatic usage as the distinction between the speech of these two bands and that of the others. As the wéku’ and tawakarti”‘ were the westernmost groups of the Wichita, and somewhat apart from the others, it seems reasonable that local differences should have existed.
The name generally given as the Wichita name for themselves is kvrikuri’s, the name of one of the bands. The origin of the term Wichita is open to some dispute. One tradition is that the first native met by a white man, asked who he was, replied “wits :ta’’, ‘“‘a man, that’s what I am’’, whence the name. The suggestion is sound linguistically; but in view of informants’ statements that vta’ was the name of a Wichita band, it may be that Wichita is a com- bination of wits—‘‘man”’, and .ta’—this group name, viz., .ta’—
"Handbook, pt. 2, pp. 705-706.
I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
men.! Actually there seems no Wichita name for the tribe as a whole.
Meanings have not been obtained for all the band names of the Wichita, and the full understanding of these must await thorough analysis of the Wichita language.
usi's means ‘‘awls’’, and was used for this group of the people because of their skill in the use of awls.
akwi'ts is ‘‘dull teeth’’, said to refer to the fact that the old people of the band had dull teeth.
tawakarti™ ‘‘neck of land in the water’’ refers to the character of the place where these people lived.
kurikurf's ‘‘coon eyes’, ‘‘raccoon eyes’, is understood by the Pawnee proper as kyriku‘ruks “‘bear eyes’’.
wéku’ is said by informants to be derived from wehiko, which latter is evidently the Wichita rendition of Mexico as pronounced by the Spanish; it was used for the people of this band because, according to tradition, they were always fighting with the Mexicans. They are spoken of as ‘“‘Indians who were always scouting around”’. They are said to have originally been part of the tawakart™‘, with- out a village to themselves, but later to have lived independently. If this origin of the name be correct, it is clearly not an ancient Wichita or Caddoan name, which may explain why it does not appear unmistakably in historical records until after 1820.”
The Wichita refer to the Pawnee as awa’hi; apparently this is the same designation as the awahu of the Arikara. There is no evidence that use of awa’hi is recent; but the significance of this identity of Wichita and Arikara names for the Pawnee, in view of the tradi- tional explanation of its meaning as given by the Arikara, must await further study.
It seems possible that this awa’hi is what was intended by the “Harahey” and ‘‘Arahey”’ of the Spanish accounts of Coronado’s expedition into Wichita and Pawnee country.* The country to which Coronado was led has been identified as Wichita country, and there the people told the Spaniards about a land and people to
" Nevertheless the same kind of misunderstanding occurred in the case of the Pawnee. Grinnell, p. 240, says of the Pawnees, ‘‘the southern tribes call them pi-ta’-da”’. This is evidently pi‘tatat which means ‘‘man, that’s what I am’’, and phonetically and morphologically is exactly equivalent to the Wichita wits cta.
* Cf. Handbook, pt. 2, p. 887.
“James R. Murie some years ago made this same suggestion to F. W. Hodge. See Amer. Anthrop., n.s., vol. 17, pp. 215-216, 1915.
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the north, Harahey, whose customs and houses were similar to their own; evidently they spoke of the awa’hi.'
CADDO
Caddo, as spoken today, is essentially the language of the kado‘- adatc™ band, which seems to have gradually eliminated whatever former dialectic differentiation existed, in favor of a common speech. All traditions of older living Caddos point to a time when the various bands lived apart and each spoke a somewhat divergent dialect; some even claim that these were not mutually intelligible, but there is little evidence for this view.
There were in all eight branches of the Caddo tribe which are remembered by present day natives as speaking Caddoan: hainai, nabadaitcu, nada’rko, nacidéc, ya’t‘as, nak‘ohodo’tsi, ha’i‘c, kayamaici, and kado‘adatc’". To these should probably be added the Adai.
James Mooney lists 12 bands of the Caddo confederacy.? Of these he identifies one (Imaha) as a small band of Kwapa, and another (Yowani) as a band of Choctaw. Of the remaining 10, 9 will be found readily identifiable with the names in the above list; only Mooney’s ‘‘Nakanawan”’ is absent. Mooney states that the kado‘adatcu™, nada’rko, and hainai called themselves collectively hasinai “‘our own people’. While this may have been used by Caddos for some groups of the people collectively, it seems doubtful that it included just these three, since nabadaitcu and hainai are closely associated together as speaking the same dialect, and as forming the most divergent branch of the Caddo.
According to informants’ statements, at one time all bands of the Caddo spoke divergent dialects, save the hainai and nabadaitcu, whose speech was identical; in fact they claim that the nabadaitcu was a branch of the Hainai rather than of the Caddo in general. Hainai was the largest band numerically, kado‘adatcu™ the second largest.
The divergence of Hainai dialectically from Caddo proper is sup- ported by a little evidence still obtainable in the form of a few remembered differences in words. These are of two types: slight phonetic differences of a dialectic character; and complete difference of word. In some cases the latter type of difference suggests adop- tion of foreign words, particularly of Spanish words; such occur
‘ Nevertheless the possible relation of ‘“‘harahey”’ to the Arikara “‘star-rah-he’”’,
as above mentioned, cannot as yet be dismissed. * 14th Ann. Rep., Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 1092, 1897.
14 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS -COLLECTIONS VOL. 87
prominently for words which must be relatively recent in use, such as the word for horse. In Caddo proper, the vocabulary shows instances of multiple synonymy, and more than one word for the same object, which may prove to have resulted from two factors: adoption of foreign words, as Spanish, and preservation of usages of a number of the Caddo bands in the contemporary Caddo proper. Hainai kinship terms and usages also differ from those of Caddo proper.
Adai is preserved to us in the form of brief vocabularies.' Those words which can be summarily identified with Caddoan stems indi- cate that Adai is probably a divergent dialect of the Caddo.
Linguistically the Caddo is most divergent of the Caddoan languages in three directions: phonetics, vocabulary and mor- phology. In vocabulary, it shows, as above suggested, a mixture of stems and words from a number of alien sources.
NOTE ON NAMES APPEARING IN THE CORONADO NARRATIVE?
It is well known that Coronado, while in the Pueblos in 1540-1541, heard from captive Plains Indians of the lands to the east; and that “Turk’’, his guide into the Plains, was probably a Pawnee. The name Quivira, used in the Spanish accounts for the land along the eastern Plains to which they were led, is evidently the Pawnee word kiwira. This word is not one which was ever employed as a name for any definite tribe or country. It means “‘different’’, “‘strange’’. It seems plausible that Turk in trying to describe to the Spaniards the country to the east, explained “‘it’s different’’, etc., meaning different as to flora, fauna and ways of life from the pueblo country in which the Spaniards then were. If this was the case, kiwira would have been correctly used for his meaning.
‘Latham, R. G., Opuscula, pp. 402-405 (50 words), London, 1860.
Latham, R. G., Natural history of the varieties of Man, pp. 366-367 (48 words), London, 1850.
Latham, R. G., Elements of comparative philology, pp. 468-470 (45 words), London, 1862.
Gallatin, A., Synopsis of the Indian Tribes of North America, Amer. Antiq. Soc. Trans. (135 words from the Sibley manuscript).
Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc., vol. 2, pt. 1, pp. 95 and 97 (60 words from Sibley), 1848.
Gatschet, A. S., A migration legend of the Creek Indians, p. 42, Philadelphia, 1884. Refers to a list of 300 words gathered in 1802 by Martin Duralde, which is now in the Library of the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia. We have not seen this last Adai vocabulary.
> Winship, G. P., The Coronado expedition, 1540-1542, 14th Ann. Rep., Bur, Amer. Ethnol., pt. 1, 1896.
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While in Kansas, the Coronado expedition was told by the natives about a land and people to the north similar in ways of life to themselves. The Spaniards recorded the name given them as Harahey or Arahey. We have discussed the possible derivations of this name under Arikara and Wichita above. It has generally been accepted that the country to which Turk first brought the Spaniards was Wichita country. No doubt the statements of Spanish accounts that the houses were made of grass is part of this evidence. But there survives among the Pawnees a tradition to the effect that long ago their lodges were grass-covered, and that only as they came into colder northern regions did they cover the lodges with mud. Thus it seems to us possible that it was to a relatively southern group of Pawnee villages that Turk led the Spaniards, and that Harahey was intended to refer to the Arikara further north. This cannot be substantiated, however, by present usage of the Pawnee for the Arikara.
Coronado and his men were told that the nation was ruled by Tatarrax. This is certainly a Pawnee word, tatara’k—forming the first person inclusive plural of all Pawnee verbs. The most prob- able form for which it was intended is tatara’k"*, “one of us is present (sitting)’’. It is, however, not a personal name.!
Ysopete, the name of the Plains Indian who supplanted Turk in the confidence of the Spaniards, seems to be a Wichita word.
‘James R. Murie considered Tatarrax as probably intended for taturash (ta‘turas), “I found it’, stating that a Pawnee with that name died after the removal of the tribe to Oklahoma. See note by F. W. Hodge in Amer. Anthrop. n. s., vol. 17, pp. 215-216, 1915.
a
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